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Season ends for transgender player, San José State volleyball team

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A season of protests, forfeits and lawsuits ended quietly Saturday on the volleyball court with San José State losing the Mountain West Conference women’s tournament final to Colorado State.

The loss deprived San José State from claiming the conference’s automatic bid to the 64-team NCAA tournament, which could have extended the controversy centered on the team’s transgender player. Instead, top-seeded Colorado State earned the automatic bid by winning in four sets.

Fewer than 200 spectators attended the match at UNLV, and the fans were respectful, cheering every player during pregame introductions and during the action. Players encouraged one another throughout the match and exchanged hugs when it was over.

The only bit of political activity came when Colorado State star player Malaya Jones and teammates Kennedy Stanford and Naeemah Weathers knelt during the national anthem. Colorado State coach Emily Kohan told reporters the players have knelt before matches since 2020.

“They’ve knelt since their freshman year, when the Black Lives Matter movement was going on, and, in this program, we raise critical thinkers to make decisions for what’s important to them,” Kohan said. “And, for those three, they’re Black players, and it’s been important to them for five years. And they’ve stood their ground for saying that this is something that they believe in, and we’ve all supported them.”

The focus on volleyball and sportsmanship was a welcome departure from a roller-coaster season in which four Mountain West teams — Boise State, Wyoming, Utah State and Nevada-Reno — each chose to forfeit or cancel two conference matches to San José State. Boise State also forfeited its conference tournament semifinal match to the second-seeded Spartans, who had a first-round bye and only played one match in the tournament.

The transgender player has been on the San José State roster for three seasons after transferring from a college on the East Coast, although this is the first season opponents have protested the player’s participation. The player is not being named by The Times because they haven’t publicly identified as transgender.

The issue became public when San José State co-captain Brooke Slusser joined a lawsuit in September against the NCAA filed by former All-American swimmer and anti-trans-athlete activist Riley Gaines. The suit alleges that NCAA transgender eligibility policies violate Title IX and the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause. Slusser alleges in the lawsuit that the inclusion of a transgender player poses an unfair advantage and safety hazards.

The NCAA adopted new rules a year ago pertaining to transgender athletes, who must document sport-specific testosterone levels at the beginning of their season and again six months later. They also must document testosterone levels four weeks before championship selections.

“We are steadfast in our support of transgender student-athletes and the fostering of fairness across college sports,” said John DeGioia, chair of the NCAA board of governors and Georgetown president. “It is important that NCAA member schools, conferences and college athletes compete in an inclusive, fair, safe and respectful environment and can move forward with a clear understanding of the new policy.”

Nevertheless, the schools that forfeited volleyball matches have the backing of politicians in their states. Idaho’s Republican Gov. Brad Little recently signed an executive order barring sports teams at Boise State and other public schools in the state from playing against teams with transgender athletes.

San José State was left to piece together its season against opponents willing to play. Colorado State was one of those.

“Our team played their hearts out today, the way they have done all season,” San José State coach Todd Kress said in a statement after the conference tournament loss. “This has been one of the most difficult seasons I’ve ever experienced and I know this is true as well for many of our players and the staff who have been supporting us all along. Maintaining our focus on the court and ensuring the overall safety and well-being of my players amid the external noise have been my priorities.”

Slusser, San José State associate head coach Melissa Batie-Smoose and 10 other current and former players filed another lawsuit Nov. 13 aimed at having the transgender player removed ahead of the conference tournament, stating that her inclusion violated Title IX rights for gender equity in federally funded institutions. But a federal judge last Monday rejected the lawsuit, and a day later, another judge rejected Slusser’s appeal.

The transgender player took the court along with Slusser and San José State was defeated, ending a turbulent season that Kress said included attacks on social media.

“Our team prepared and was ready to play each match according to established Mountain West and NCAA rules of play,” Kress said in his statement. “We did not take away anyone’s participation opportunities. Sadly, others who for years have played this same team without incident chose not to play us this season.

“To be clear, we did not celebrate a single win by forfeiture. Instead, we braced for the fallout. Each forfeiture announcement unleashed appalling, hateful messages individuals chose to send directly to our student-athletes, our coaching staff, and many associated with our program.”

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St. Paul’s historic 740 River Drive high-rise apartment building is one of a kind

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“Today, a high-rise like 740 River Drive in a neighborhood like Highland Park would draw such indignation from area residents that a developer would have to be delusional to even propose it,” wrote local historian and bicyclist, Wolfie Browender, when happening across the building on one of his epic investigative journeys. It’s certainly true about the odd, 63-year-old apartment tower that still stands along the river bluff in St. Paul’s Highland neighborhood. 

I served on the city’s Planning Commission during the debate over reusing the “Ford Site,” the 130-acre former truck factory along Ford Parkway and the Mississippi River in southwest St. Paul. At the time, people routinely came into our meetings to testify about how tall buildings cause mental illness, and other overblown claims. The debate escalated into a heated argument between factions, replete with yard signs, over whether this pocket of the city should have the kinds of very moderate density you might find, not in Europe or Asia, but in places like Calgary or Northeast Minneapolis. 

Height was of the key sticking points: How tall could the new buildings rise in what is now “Highland Bridge”? During this entire discussion, I kept glancing at the maps and couldn’t help but notice that there was a 23-story apartment tower just a block away across the street. If that building was fine — and it seemed to be — then what was the big deal about a seven-story apartment building farther from the river? It goes to show how unique the 740 River Drive project turned out to be.

The history of the 740 building

If it seems from another era, that’s because it is. The building was a blip in early post-war modernism, before the city’s era of stricter zoning controls kicked in. It marks a time when the mid-century modernist movement still harbored urban ambitions for places like St. Paul. According to one newspaper account, the people examining the building compared it to the United Nations headquarters building. (Though I don’t really see the likeness, there’s surely no greater hallmark of modernist utopianism than that!) 

740 River Drive groundbreaking ceremony.
740 River Drive groundbreaking ceremony. Credit: Kraus-Anderson

According to Kraus-Anderson archivist Matt Goff, at the time of its construction it was the tallest residential structure between Chicago and the West Coast. The building, completed in 1960, has a reinforced concrete frame with a curtain wall, and contains 164 apartments ranging from studios to four-bedrooms. At 23-stories and 208-feet, it is by far the tallest building along the Mississippi “river gorge” between the two cities, at least until you get to downtown Minneapolis. 

“It is an early example of a residential high rise on that scale,” Goff said. “The regulations weren’t in place that would soon come along and prevent similar examples that close to the river.”

The building also contained an outdoor swimming pool, a first floor “porch cochere auto approach,” a rooftop “party room and sun deck,” and a 105-stall underground parking garage. There were 59 more surface parking spots, incidentally a number that would be below minimum parking standards that emerged later in the 20th century. Adjusted for inflation, the project cost about $57 million. 

One account of the 1960 groundbreaking described a red carpet leading into the woods along the river bluff, where the wife of general contractor Lloyd Engelsma smashed a champagne bottle over a huge bulldozer. The developers had a special double-spaded shovel made for the occasion, with the words Minneapolis and Saint Paul inscribed on each blade.

One interesting wrinkle is the name: The building was called 740 River Drive even though there’s no such street called “River Drive.” For some reason, the developers and marketing team did not think that Highland Parkway or River Road sounded elegant enough, and came up with a splashier alternative. The result is another in the long line of confounding St. Paul naming conventions, seemingly designed to befuddle outsiders. In this case, it invokes a street that does not even exist.

The 1950s housing shortage 

In the 1950s, then as now, the region was gripped by a shortage of housing, though the dynamics of the solution were different. Massive federal support for suburban development meant that the majority of investment and growth was happening outside the core cities, making 740 River Drive into a notable exception. 

For example, Lloyd Engelsma, one of the developers, was a head of Kraus-Anderson construction, and he’d spent much of his time building lucrative new shopping malls like Sun Ray on the city’s East Side. The residential tower was a rarity for the time. Even in the relatively suburban Highland neighborhood, the building illustrated that there could have been more than one path forward for the residential future of the Twin Cities.

By the later 1960s, neighbor pushback against taller residential buildings fused with urban tensions around change, and St. Paul became stricter with its zoning code. And in the late 20th century, specific regulations were put in place to limit height along the Mississippi River. For example, when local developer Paster Enterprises proposed a four-story 93-unit apartment building across the street on Highland Parkway in 2022, it exceeded the “Critical Area Zoning” along the Mississippi by a few feet. The limits seem ironic given that it would be dwarfed by 740 River Drive next door, and the development seems to be on hold for the time being.

According to Kraus-Anderson archivist Matt Goff, at the time of its construction it was the tallest residential structure between Chicago and the West Coast.
According to Kraus-Anderson archivist Matt Goff, at the time of its construction it was the tallest residential structure between Chicago and the West Coast. Credit: Kraus-Anderson

Geographically speaking, 740 River Drive marks a notable place within view of the Ford Bridge and its important dam. When the dam was built by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, it triggered a political saga that re-incited the rivalry between Minneapolis and St. Paul. Neither city could agree about who should get the hydroelectric power, and as a result the dam sat unused for years. (The University of Minnesota even got in on the action, demanding a stake in the “free” government energy.) It took some conniving on the behalf of the St. Paul political class, poaching an economic development specialist from neighboring Minneapolis, and then luring Henry Ford himself with the promise of the “natural” amenities of a quiet part of St. Paul next to a rushing river gorge. 

As such, the area always served as a sign of competing Twin Cities ambitions. Perhaps that’s why one Pioneer Press columnist wrote that when Minneapolis Mayor Kenneth Peterson did not show up, it was because “maybe he was mad that all this money was being spent in St. Paul.” I imagine that 740 River Drive was perceived as part of St. Paul’s triumph, a residential exclamation mark on top of the then-thriving Ford factory, perhaps the city’s largest industrial success of all time.

At any rate, nothing like 740 River Drive was ever built again in St. Paul, and it was something like a “unicorn” product of unique circumstances.

I imagine that 740 River Drive was perceived as part of St. Paul’s triumph, a residential exclamation mark on top of the then-thriving Ford factory, perhaps the city’s largest industrial success of all time.
I imagine that 740 River Drive was perceived as part of St. Paul’s triumph, a residential exclamation mark on top of the then-thriving Ford factory, perhaps the city’s largest industrial success of all time. Credit: MinnPost photo by Bill Lindeke

“The developer, Bill Fine was an interesting character, the [kind of] splashy go-for-broke real estate developer we don’t see enough of anymore,” Kraus-Anderson archivist Matt Goff said.

It’s certainly true that no building in this part of the city will ever block its unparalleled views. Nothing this tall could ever get built there again, a fact that would seem to guarantee that 740 River Drive will remain a coveted address in perpetuity.

Bill Lindeke

Bill Lindeke is a lecturer in Urban Studies at the University of Minnesota’s Department of Geography, Environment and Society. He is the author of multiple books on Twin Cities culture and history, most recently St. Paul: an Urban Biography. Follow Bill on Twitter: @BillLindeke.



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Newsom wants $25 million to fight the Trump litigation he sees coming

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State lawmakers will gavel in a special session Monday focused on a proposed $25-million litigation fund to respond to President-elect Donald Trump’s anticipated attacks on California policies on civil rights, climate change and abortion access.

Gov. Gavin Newsom has asked the Legislature to approve the funding for the Department of Justice and other agencies so the state can file lawsuits against the federal government and defend against litigation from the Trump administration.

“California is a tent pole of the country — from the economy to innovation to protecting and investing in rights and freedoms for all people. We will work with the incoming administration and we want President Trump to succeed in serving all Americans,” Newsom said in a statement Sunday. “But when there is overreach, when lives are threatened, when rights and freedoms are targeted, we will take action. And that is exactly what this special session is about — setting this state up for success, regardless of who is in the White House.”

Legislative Democrats have so far responded to Newsom’s request with two bills that will be considered as part of the special session.

Assemblyman Jesse Gabriel (D-Encino) introduced legislation to set aside $25 million for legal fees plus an additional $500,000 to cover the costs of “initial case preparation.”

“While we always hope to collaborate with our federal partners, California will be ready to vigorously defend our interests and values from any unlawful action by the incoming Trump Administration,” said Gabriel, chair of the Assembly Budget Committee, in a statement. “We know from President-elect Trump’s statements — and from the more than 120 lawsuits that California filed during the first Trump Administration — that we must be prepared to defend ourselves. We’re not going to be caught flat-footed.”

If approved, Newsom’s office said, the $25-million legal fund would not only “help safeguard critical funding for disaster relief, health care programs, and other vital service” for millions of Californians but would also provide legal funding to protect abortion access, climate change policies, LGBTQ+ rights and disaster funding.

The Democratic governor called for the special session of the Legislature in the wake of Trump’s election victory last month, saying that during his first term in the White House, the former president changed federal policies in ways that harmed California and its residents.

Newsom said at the time that his administration anticipated that the incoming president could seek to limit access to abortion medication, pursue a national abortion ban, dismantle clean air and water environmental protections, repeal the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program and withhold federal disaster response funding, among other promises Trump made during the campaign.

The governor’s move is largely symbolic: Lawmakers are likely to pass the legislation at the same speed as they would without the special session. But it was seen by some as a way of focusing the state Legislature’s attention on Newsom’s priority of defending against Trump. Republicans were quick to dismiss the move as political theater.

In the days that followed Trump’s 2024 election, Newsom signaled that he planned to wage an aggressive and highly visible campaign to shield the state from the Trump White House.

Over a four-year stretch that ended in 2021, California filed 122 lawsuits challenging then-President Trump’s authority to change federal policies on immigration, healthcare, education, gun control, consumer protection, the census, the U.S. Postal Service and civil rights issues.

But more recently, the governor has sought to tone down his rhetoric and reshape the California-vs.-Trump narrative he set in motion, telling The Times in an interview that the special session is “around pragmatism” and “about preparedness.”

“We would be fools not to get on top of this before January,” he said.

Newsom and legislative leaders have repeatedly said that they’re ready to work with the incoming president.

On Monday, lawmakers are scheduled to gather in the Senate and Assembly chambers to be sworn in. Legislators typically leave Sacramento after the ceremony to spend the holidays in their districts before returning at the start of the year.

Lawmakers expect to begin hearing and voting on the special session legislation when they come back on Jan. 6. Newsom wants to sign the bills into law before Trump’s inauguration on Jan. 20.

Times staff writer Taryn Luna contributed to this report.

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The Common Loon: Minnesota’s State Bird

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A migratory diver of the loon family, the common loon (Gavia immer) has been important to people living in the Great Lakes region for hundreds, if not thousands, of years. Its striking calls and black-and-white summer plumage have made it an emblem of Minnesota, where more of the birds live than in any other state except Alaska. The loon became Minnesota’s state bird in 1961.

Adult loons weigh eight to twelve pounds and are shaped like torpedoes. Their summer plumage is a spotted white and black, with iridescence on the head; in winter, that coloring changes to gray and white. Males can be a bit larger than females, but in all other ways they are identical.

Loons have four calls: the yodel, the wail, the hoot, and the tremolo. They live on lakes in central and northern Minnesota but migrate south every September to the Atlantic coast (their northern range includes the northern US and Canada) before returning north in the spring. Their bones, unlike those of most birds, are not hollow, allowing them to dive deep underwater for their food: small fish, minnows, amphibians, insects, crayfish, and mollusks.

The loon (maang in Ojibwemowin) is culturally important to Ojibwe people. It plays a role in some versions of Ojibwe creation stories, while other legends connect Maang to Nanaboozho, an Ojibwe cultural hero. It is said that when Maang calls in the rain at dusk, the bird is calling for Nanaboozho. Many Ojibwe people are members of the Maang Doodem (Loon Clan), and Maang is sacred to them. It is taboo for a member of the Maang Doodem to harm a loon or to marry another member of the clan.

In Ojibwe culture, clans are named after animals (or parts of animals) and perform distinctive roles. The members of bird clans, such as the Crane and the Loon, take on civil leadership roles. Members of the Maang Doodem historically served as diplomats, often leading negotiations until a member of the Crane Clan (Ajijaak Doodem) offered final decisions. “Leading with your Loon” is an Ojibwe teaching today that encourages people to be diplomatic with others. Dakota people call the loon Mdóza and have incorporated some elements of it into their culture as well.

As white settlers entered Minnesota in the 1800s, the loon population declined due to hunting and habitat destruction. The Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 1918 prohibited the taking of loons without the authorization of the Department of the Interior’s Fish and Wildlife Service. Though protected from overhunting, loon habitat continued to decline in the 1920s due to residential development and summer vacationers in northern Minnesota. In the 1930s, loons began to disappear from central and southern Minnesota lakes.

The loon became Minnesota’s state bird in 1961. Spurred by the work of Dr. Judith McIntyre and the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources, programs focused on protecting and learning more about the state’s loons began in the 1970s. In 1977, Minnesota’s Nongame Wildlife Program started raising funds to conserve Minnesota’s nongame species. The investment paid off. By 1989, the loon was struggling across the US but not in Minnesota, where there were an estimated 10,000 loons for the state’s 10,000 lakes.

To gather more information about the state’s loon population, the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources began a loon-monitoring program in 1994. After the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil rig explosion killed thousands of loons overwintering in the Gulf of Mexico, a settlement awarded Minnesota $7.52 million as compensation for injury to its natural resources. The money has been used to support Minnesota’s Loon Restoration Project, which focuses on eight counties in north-central Minnesota.

MNopedia logo

The loon is a Minnesota icon, and organizations have adopted it as their emblem. When the Minnesota State Lottery began in 1989, it used the loon as its logo to remind people that some lottery earnings supported state conservation programs. In 2002 a loon design became an option on Minnesota license plates, and in 2005, it was put on the state quarter. The Minnesota United FC, Minnesota’s professional men’s soccer club, started using a stylized loon logo in 2013. The team is often called “the Loons.” And in May 2024, Minnesota adopted a new state seal featuring a loon at its center.

Also in 2024, the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) rated the loon a species of “Least Concern” for extinction, and the bird continued to return to its range south of the Twin Cities. In spite of these gains, however, climate change, pollution, habitat loss, disturbance by humans, and use of lead fishing weights continue to threaten the loon population in Minnesota.

For more information on this topic, check out the original entry on MNopedia.

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Online safety act could end up censoring marginalized groups

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Protecting children from harmful online content is a worthwhile goal, especially during their developmental years. However, the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA) goes too far by enabling potential censorship of marginalized communities rather than fostering healthy online behavior.

KOSA would give broad powers to regulators — some of whom have already demonstrated a desire to censor LGBTQ+ content — to determine what constitutes “harmful” content for minors without clear guidelines. This could eliminate vital resources that LGBTQ+ youth depend on.

The unprecedented authority to censor online content is a serious concern. Polling shows that over 60% of LGBTQ+ adults joined online platforms before they were 18, primarily to access LGBTQ+ resources and to find community support. For them, these platforms are vital spaces to connect and share experiences, especially for those who can’t do so with their own families and communities.

Additionally, we must consider the mental health and wellness of these individuals.

Bridget Klosterman
Bridget Klosterman

According to a 2022 survey from the Trevor Project, over 40% of LGBTQ+ youth in Minnesota have considered suicide. Restricting access to online resources or support communities could further isolate these vulnerable young people.

Therefore, Minnesota’s representatives in Washington, D.C., should carefully consider the potential consequences of KOSA. Passing this act in its current form would restrict LGBTQ+ youth’s access to supportive online communities — ultimately harming rather than protecting them.

Bridget Klosterman is a children’s advocate at Minnesota Nonprofit Capital Management Services.

Tagged: Opinion

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Business center will be a plus for Minneapolis College, Metro State

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Minneapolis College and Metropolitan State University hope the recent renovations for  a combined business school space for students from both schools will improve the campus experience.

The schools held a ribbon-cutting ceremony on Nov. 22 to mark the renovations to the Management Education Center in downtown Minneapolis. The renovations were funded with $22.5 million from the Minnesota Legislature’s 2023 bonding bill. While Minneapolis College and Metro State previously shared a business building, the addition of classrooms in the Management Education Center will allow students to more easily connect with faculty and staff from both schools. 

“One of our professors used to have his students have a scavenger hunt to find his office in the Management Education Center,” said Jason Cussler, a business instructor at Minneapolis College and community faculty at Metro State. 

“The students never had a reason to come over there. They never had any classes. (Now) our offices are going to be right next to the classrooms that students are taking their classes in. When you have a student (who) might have been hesitant to come visit you in the first place, you’re going to be saying, ‘Hey, well I’m just walking into my office here after class. Why don’t you come and we’ll sit down and chat about this?’”

The Management Education Center’s Entrepreneurship Center.
The Management Education Center’s Entrepreneurship Center. Credit: MinnPost photo by Deanna Pistono

Cussler added that the building will be beneficial for students in the Business Transfer pathway at Minneapolis College. Those students are able to enter four-year universities, including Metro State, as juniors after completing their second year at Minneapolis College (formerly known as Minneapolis Community & Technical College).. 

“(Being) in the same building and working together with a shared space (with) some shared branding around some things – that’s just gonna make it that much more easy for the student to make the transition to considering a four-year (degree),” Cussler said. 

Carisha Thomas, who attended Minneapolis College and is now pursuing a bachelor’s degree in business administration at Metro State, is also excited about the centralization the renovated center provides. Thomas, who also has a degree in marine wildlife and conservation biology, hopes to utilize her business education to develop an eco resort in her home country of Grenada.

Carisha Thomas speaking on Nov. 22 at the ribbon cutting ceremony for the Management Education Center.
Carisha Thomas speaking on Nov. 22 at the ribbon cutting ceremony for the Management Education Center. Credit: MinnPost photo by Deanna Pistono

“Knowing that you don’t have to go from one place to the next just to get one thing done, it makes it more convenient,” Thomas said. 

The building itself is also outfitted for collaboration and accessible learning, with various “huddle rooms” for students to reserve for different times to collaborate on projects. Screens and high-flex technology in classrooms, huddle rooms and lounge areas allow for students who are off-campus to continue to engage and participate virtually. 

Virtual access is especially valuable for students who may be balancing coursework with other responsibilities, including Thomas, who is a single mother. During this semester, Thomas’s son has been sick a couple of times, which has meant that she had to speak with instructors, including Cussler, about needing time to “figure (things) out.”

The Management Education Center computer lab.
The Management Education Center computer lab. Credit: MinnPost photo by Deanna Pistono

“(With high-flex technology), if your kid’s sick and you just need to sit there with them, you can sit and participate in the class while your kid’s resting,” Cussler said of the new setup, which he describes as having a camera follow the instructor around the classroom. 

Other possible student needs were considered in designing the space, said Marcia Hagen Ph.D., a professor at Metro State who was part of a committee that helped to design the renovation. 

“Metropolitan State is a MSI (a minority-serving institution),” Hagen said. “That actually drove some of the thought behind the building itself. We serve adult students, so we were able to do some different things. For example, we put in a meditation room where there wasn’t one previously. We’ve put in a room for nursing mothers who might have to leave class. In a way that wasn’t previously possible, we’re able to fulfill some of these (student) needs that we simply couldn’t in the past.”

Marcia Hagen photographed in one of the huddle rooms.
Marcia Hagen photographed in one of the huddle rooms. Credit: MinnPost photo by Deanna Pistono

The renovation also features a new entrepreneurship center on the fourth floor, a collaborative, open space that is designed to facilitate a variety of connections inside and outside both schools.

“We hope to partner with local entrepreneurs within the community that will mentor students (who are) interested in entrepreneurship (and) that will hire students interested in small businesses,” Cussler said, adding that the faculty also hope that students from different departments are able to engage with business students to seek out advice. 

In renovating the Management Education Center, Hagen said, faculty “really wanted to create a top-notch place for students to come and spend time and grow academically and collaborate with each other and the community.

“For us to be able to do that and in addition, (to) have a more seamless transition for our Minneapolis College to Metro State students is just (the) icing on the cake.”

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Ellison, Democratic AGs prepare to battle Trump policies in court

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WASHINGTON — Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison is joining his Democratic colleagues across the nation in preparing to battle in court to try to stop Trump administration policies they deem unlawful.

For Ellison, and fellow Democratic attorneys general, the past is prologue. They banded together to sue the first Trump administration more than 130 times, with a win rate of 83%, according to a database compiled by Marquette University political scientist Paul Nolette.

This time, they are even more important to a Democratic Party that has been weakened by its electoral losses.  

With Republican control of both chambers of Congress and a conservative majority on the Supreme Court, the nation’s Democratic attorneys general are now the strongest counterweight to the political power Trump will hold in his second administration.

Ellison said the 23 Democratic attorneys general who will serve when Donald Trump is inaugurated Jan. 20 have already been strategizing. 

But he did not want to divulge many details of their plans, saying, “I’m not about to tell our potential rivals everything we are going to do.”

The rival camp will consist of GOP attorneys general, and most likely the U.S. Justice Department, as challenges to Trump policies play out in the nation’s federal courts.

The Democratic attorneys general were able to derail and stall some of Trump’s immigration initiatives in his first term, with lawsuits against the use of unappropriated government funds to build his wall along the border of the United States and Mexico, his travel ban on citizens from a number of Muslim countries — including Somalia — and his program to separate immigrant parents from their children at the border.

Ellison was elected the state’s attorney general two years after Trump first assumed the presidency. In the ensuing years, Ellison joined his Democratic colleagues in a number of lawsuits targeting Trump policies, including an attempt to leave undocumented migrants out of the 2020 U.S. Census Bureau count, and efforts to curtail environmental review of federal actions, cut food stamps to certain recipients and allow doctors to deny medical treatment based on personal and religious views. 

Trump’s vow to declare a national emergency and begin mass deportations on his first day of his next term is now top of mind for many Democratic attorneys general.

Ellison predicted that campaign “would be bloody.”

“That’s not my word – bloody – Trump said ‘bloody,’” he said.

Ellison said legal challenges to the deportations would “depend on how they do it, who they pick up and who they leave behind.”

He said there has been outreach to immigrant communities that would be affected.  “We’re building lines of communication and we’re ready to make sure the federal government obeys the law,” he said. 

Delay, delay, delay

Besides pushing back on new Trump immigration initiatives, Ellison also alluded to possible lawsuits to counter “dramatic actions against public health” and rollbacks of federal education programs that give female athletes the right to equal opportunity in sports. He also said he’s “concerned about some of the trans things we see.”

“They’ve signaled a lot of things,” Ellison said of Trump and the nominees for his Cabinet and advisers. “There’s a lot of good reason to believe they’ll do what they said.”

In his first term, Trump also tried to withhold federal funds from “blue states” that resisted his initiatives. Ellison said he expected that effort, which was largely unsuccessful, to be attempted again.  

He also indicated he does not fully embrace his new role.

“I did not run for re-election to fight with Trump,” he said. 

Ellison is not the only Democratic attorney general to say he’s ready to take on Trump administration policies in the courts. So have New Jersey Attorney General Matthew Platkin, Connecticut Attorney General William Tong, California Attorney General Rob Bonta and others say they are prepared to take Trump on, too.

Marquette professor Nolette said the tactic will be to win lawsuits outright, or halt Trump administration proposals until the mid-term elections, which traditionally have favored the party that’s out of power.

“One lesson about parties that have full control of government is that it doesn’t last,” Nolette said.

Meanwhile, the Democratic AGs will play defense. “Even if they can’t succeed in overturning a particular law, they can delay its implementation for some time.” 

In fact, Nolette’s database’s “win rate” for Democratic attorneys general during Trump’s first term in office includes both cases that were won and those that successfully delayed initiatives.  

Nolette predicted that district courts that are favorable to the Democrats will issue nationwide injunctions against some Trump policies.

Meanwhile, the strategy of Republican attorneys general will be to rush appeals to the U.S. Supreme Court in the hopes of favorable rulings.

Besides having a friendlier Supreme Court in place, Trump may also benefit from the success in his first term in confirming conservative judges to the federal bench. 

President Biden — who is trying to rush as many judicial nominees through the Senate as possible before the chamber changes hands to the GOP — also won confirmation for many judges. But Biden’s judges tended to replace sitting Democratic-appointed judges, while Trump was able to bring ideological shifts to several federal courts.

“Overall, the Biden administration has not been able to make the headway Trump did in his first term,” Nolette said.

Ana Radelat

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Health data of 600+ Minnesota veterans taken in cyber attack

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WCCO reports a cyber attack led to the private health information of 600 Minnesotans being obtained, according to the Minneapolis Veterans Affairs Health Care System.

Bring Me the News reports a driver crashed into a transformer near Patrick McGovern’s Pub in St. Paul over the weekend causing a fire and 13,000 homes to lose power.

KSTP reports a man was fatally shot on the Green Line train in St. Paul Friday night.

Via Fox9: “The new law going into effect (on Dec 1) will mandate that ride-hail companies, like Uber and Lyft, pay their drivers $1.28 per mile and 31 cents per minute, with a $5 minimum per ride.”

Axios reports following last week’s earnings report from Target, there has been speculation of an acquisition and the future of CEO Brian Cornell.

MPR reports the Minnesota Lynx have hired Lindsay Whalen and former Washington Mystics coach Eric Thibault.

Pioneer Press reports the Farmington City Council approved a $5 billion data center despite pushback from residents. “(Cathy) Johnson, who is part of the group, said she has concerns about electrical usage, water usage and potential sound pollution from the data centers.”

KARE said goodbye to John Croman as the  veteran reporter is retiring after 27 years at the station.

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Why California schools are struggling to enforce the cell phone ban

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There’s little disagreement on what needs to be done: Califonia schools must ban or restrict cellphones that disrupt learning.

A law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom mandates every school district in the state devise a plan for campus cellphone bans or restrictions by July 2026. But educators, who gathered recently with Newsom over the issue, say their biggest debate is over how to enforce limitations on a generation obsessed with their phones.

Newsom, a father of four, including two teens, says he knows the allure of phones. His preference, he said in an interview, would be “a ban throughout” the entire school day, lunch included, at schools across the state. And he wants rules in place “a lot earlier” than the deadline.

“I have my point of view, sure, but I don’t think it’s appropriate to impose that,” Newsom added, saying local school leaders will decide.

He spoke at the governor’s mansion during a convening of superintendents, teachers, parents, policy aides and health experts to chart out how California students can break free of their phones.

“You got a crisis in this country that predated COVID … issues of social isolation, this sort of unmooring in society and people feeling more lonely than ever the more connected they are on their devices,” Newsom said.

Schools are the ideal places to attempt a massive cultural shift, he and others said. And California — with some 1,000 school districts and 5.8 million students — will be the nation’s largest test case.

Ban phones in early years

About 95% of teens have access to a cellphone, according to a survey the Pew Research Center released this year. Roughly 6 in 10 surveyed said they use TikTok, Instagram or Snapchat, and about 40% said they spend too much time on their phones.

Also, a majority of teens said phones make it easier to pursue hobbies and express creativity; nearly half said phones help them do better in school.

But the pervasiveness of cellphone use in schools calls for early crackdowns, experts said.

“Middle school is probably the fertile ground for this… High school will be hard,” said LAUSD Board member Nick Melvoin, who sponsored the strict Los Angeles Unified School District ban that will take effect in February. L.A. schools now are sorting out the rules.

Dr. Sohil Sud, director of the state’s Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative, described the tween and teen years as “a time with increased emotional sensitivity and a strong desire for validation by peers,” where uniform rules at schools are more likely to be successful.

“We’re not quite at the mercy of ‘group-think,’ but what the group thinks and does matters a lot,” Sud said. “That’s why rules limiting phone usage in a consistent manner for all in a given setting like schools are more likely to be effective than individual approaches by individual parents, or even individual teachers.”

It also may be easier to change phone culture, experts said, in a middle school setting simply because there tend to be fewer kids in a tighter age span compared to high school.

Since a 2020 law Newsom signed, schools have had the power to limit or prohibit smartphone use with some districts forging ahead. They offered advice for the future.

Initially they confronted resistance. But it eventually dissipated.

The San Mateo-Foster City district in the Bay Area initiated a strict cellphone ban in 2021, when students returned to campus after pandemic school closures, a time when they were more digitally reliant than ever. Students place phones in magnetically sealed Yondr pouches as they enter campus. The phones stay in backpacks or pants pockets. At the end of the school day, students tap the pouches on a magnetic unlocking base as they exit campus. It’s similar to when a cashier at a clothing store taps a piece of clothing to remove a magnetic anti-theft device.

The district is made up of 11,000 students across 22 schools, all at the elementary and middle levels, which made creating a phone-free culture easier because students were just beginning to get phones.

At first, dozens either refused or forgot to put their phones in pouches as they entered school. Teachers asked ones caught using phones in class to turn over the devices. Those who refused were sent to an administrator’s office to call their parents and fess up to breaking the rule.

“But we never connected it to discipline. No kids got suspended or kicked out of class,” district Superintendent Diego Ochoa said.

In a district where students are all assigned Chromebooks and Google-based email accounts, students figured out a workaround. “They were using Google Chat and Google Spaces while in class,” Ochoa said. The district then disabled those features.

Over time, complaints and violations faded. The district has also reported a decline in student suspensions overall and conflicts related to social media, such as bullying.

“We are not attributing everything to cellphones,” San Mateo-Foster City district Board member Gene Kim said. But he said at least some of the improvements were tied to the phone-free environment.

The Santa Barbara schools district launched a no-phone policy in January 2023. Instead of buying pouches for thousands of students, it saved money by using “phone hotels” in classrooms that have assigned numbers where students place their devices. Phones are allowed at lunch and between classes.

Officials in Santa Barbara allowed phone use outside of class because they wanted teens to learn to “self-regulate” their relationship to the devices, said Superintendent Hilda Maldonado.

“Are kids still using phones? Absolutely. When I walk into a school, I see them texting and looking at their screens during lunch,” Maldonado said. “But they aren’t rushing after class to grab their phones like candy.”

What about enforcement?

Their most difficult issue, educators said, is enforcement and discipline.

Nothing in the state law directs schools to punish students for violating policies or what the discipline would be.

School districts have taken different stances on discipline overall, with Los Angeles having a “restorative” model that prioritizes dialogue before punishment, which so far is limited to phone confiscation.

One of the biggest concerns, educators said, is that teachers don’t want to confiscate phones because they they don’t want to be responsible if the phone is damaged or lost.

Teachers don’t want to turn into “cellphone cops,” said Edgar Zazueta, the Assn. of California School Administrators executive director and the former chief of external affairs for LAUSD.

Maldonado, the Santa Barbara superintendent, said she initially heard similar complaints from teachers. After administrators told teachers they were “off the hook” for financial responsibility for confiscated devices, it helped relieve “lots of anxiety,” she said. Still, it’s far more common for administrators to call parents than it is for them to confiscate phones.

In Los Angeles schools, questions about discipline have come up as schools speed toward bans. District guidelines spell out a process of multiple warnings for phone violators but are vague on confiscation.

In an interview, Melvoin suggested that violators could be given warnings before phone calls to parents. He said further violations could result in one-period-long confiscations. More violations would require parents to come pick up phones. “I hope, in the next few weeks, the district is more clear on consequences,” he said.

Melvoin predicts a 95% student compliance rate in the district with “5% that will be stubborn.”

When the Santa Barbara ban kicked off in the 12,000-student district last school year, not all students immediately complied. This year, Maldonado said, there has been more interest from teachers, principals, students and parents after seeing the positives of a phone-free environment.

Maldonado said it’s easier to get past the hurdles of students not following swift phone bans “if you start from a focus on mental health and wellness instead of compliance with rules.”

And there will be missteps. In one case, Maldonado said, a substitute teacher incorrectly assumed a student was hiding their phone instead of putting it in the “phone hotel.” I It turned out that the student didn’t have a phone.

‘Going cold turkey’

While phones and social media have addictive qualities, they are different than chemical addictions, experts said. One recent study from the U.K.’s Durham University found that a voluntarily social media fast didn’t increase or decrease the appetite to go back online. Other studies found digital detoxes led to reported increases in happiness, attention spans and mental clarity.

Psychologist Jonathan Haidt’s “The Anxious Generation: How the Great Rewiring of Childhood Is Causing an Epidemic of Mental Illness” has become a handbook for the phones-free schools movement. Haidt recommends no cellphones with social media until age 16.

John Piacentini, a UCLA psychology professor who directs the UCLA Center for Child Anxiety Resilience, Education and Support, agreed that teens should delay getting on smartphones.

Piacentini said school bans would work better if teens had models — older siblings and parents at home, as well as teachers — who stopped using phones at the same time.

“Cold turkey is going to be quite difficult for a lot of these kids. But it needs to be done. It’s up to the parents and family to really work with kids to help them learn how to live for periods of times without their phones,” Piacentini, who was not at the Sacramento meeting, said. “Parents are using phones the same way kids are and may be addicted the same way kids are.”

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Elevated radiation detected at former Bay Area landfill turned art park

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State-ordered environmental testing has uncovered elevated levels of cancer-causing radiation at a popular spot for hikers and dog walkers in the Bay Area, according to a new report.

Over the summer, the city of Albany hired hazardous waste specialists with Cabrera Services Inc. to survey for the presence of radioactive waste at the Albany Bulb, a former municipal landfill for construction debris that now features scenic hiking trails and a sprawling collection of outdoor art.

State regulators ordered the investigation after discovering a 1980 archival document that suggested a former Richmond chemical plant dumped 11,000 tons of waste at the former Albany and Berkeley landfill from 1960 to 1971. The document indicated the waste may have included alum mud — a potentially radioactive sludge and byproduct of aluminum processing.

After surveying the city-owned portion of the peninsula, Cabrera Services found 10 areas with elevated levels of gamma radiation — powerful electromagnetic energy that can penetrate human tissue and damage cells.

Cabrera technicians are recommending that Albany conduct soil sampling in three places, where it determined alum mud or a radioactive object may be buried.

Nearly four decades after Albany’s municipal landfill closed, it has evolved into an outdoor art gallery filled with sculptures made from reclaimed wood, stone and metal. Although state regulators have deemed landfill materials as hazardous waste, it hasn’t deterred people from unearthing the refuse from the uncapped landfill and featuring it in eccentric pieces of art.

The new testing adds to the serious public health and safety concerns for one of the Bay Area’s most cherished coastal spaces. Gamma radiation is particularly concerning as this high-frequency energy can move through solid objects and human tissue, damaging DNA molecules and raising a person’s risk for cancer, according to Daniel Hirsch, retired director of environmental and nuclear policy at UC Santa Cruz.

“It’s like subatomic bullets being fired at the cells,” Hirsch said. “There is no safe level. Every level carries some risk.”

California Department of Public Health officials, however, said the initial gamma radiation observed at the Albany Bulb presented a “low level of risk to the public.”

“The survey results indicate that most of the site is consistent with normal background radiation levels, but 10 locations showed elevated readings,” a CDPH spokesperson said. “Our initial assessment shows that a person would have to spend approximately 20 hours on an elevated area to receive a dose equivalent to one dental X-ray.”

A colorful stone amphitheater is one of several art installations in the Albany Bulb.

A colorful stone amphitheater is one of several art installations in the Albany Bulb.

(Paul Kuroda / For The Times)

The Cabrera Services report noted the radioactivity at the Albany Bulb is consistent with other landfills that accept construction debris, which may contain naturally radioactive material, such as granite. It remains unclear whether the levels of radiation are compatible for a publicly accessible space.

“The City doesn’t have enough information from the report to reach specific, final conclusions on ultimate public health risk,” said Brennen Brown, spokesperson for the city of Albany. “The next round of investigation will include soil sampling and shallow subsurface measurements that will help inform public risk levels. At this time, based on the information from the report, the City is not aware of any need to take additional actions to protect health and safety.”

Cabrera Services also said it’s “unlikely” the radioactivity is from large deposits of alum mud. Based on a review of historical documents, it said other parts of the man-made peninsula probably accepted this waste.

Cabrera staff highlighted adjacent tracts of land owned by the East Bay Regional Park District, which had previously been a privately owned landfill.

Cabrera staff and Albany city officials, however, did not immediately inform the East Bay Regional Park District. The Park District only learned about the findings and test results after a Times reporter reached out for comment.

Jordan Traverso, a spokesperson for the Park District, said regulators had not asked for them to test its property.

Meanwhile, the city of Berkeley is working toward examining its own survey for gamma radiation at Cesar Chavez Park, which was built atop the former municipal landfill. The city partnered with UC Berkeley Nuclear Engineering researchers to fly a drone survey over the 90-acre park and sweep small areas on foot, according to city spokesperson Seung Lee.

The test results, he said, will be released after researchers clean and analyze the data.

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