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L.A. squanders millions that it could use to fix streets and sidewalks

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In November 2020, Ismael Soto Luna, 59, was waiting to cross a street in Van Nuys when a 2-pound metal cap fell from a nearby streetlight and hit him on the head, knocking him to the ground and fracturing his skull.

He was later diagnosed with brain trauma and, as his condition worsened over time, dementia requiring 24-hour care, according to a lawsuit filed against the city. Earlier this year, the city of Los Angeles agreed to pay $21 million to settle Luna’s case.

During the trial, a liability expert retained by Luna’s attorney, Arash Zabetian, said he had reviewed thousands of city documents and found no standards for inspecting the lights on a regular basis. Even after Luna was injured, the city didn’t address the hazard, Zabetian said. Within a few blocks of the corner where the plaintiff was hurt, about half the light poles had caps that were loose or missing, meaning they had already fallen off.

Los Angeles is going broke, and liability payouts for such dangerous conditions are one reason. In just the first three months of the fiscal year, the city is on the hook for more than $47 million to resolve lawsuits and claims for injuries and other incidents on public property. The money is owed to people who tripped on broken sidewalks or crashed their bikes on crumbling asphalt, had property damaged by potholes or falling tree branches, and suffered other mishaps involving city infrastructure.

Of course, no city can completely prevent tree branches from falling on cars or immediately fix every pothole. But Los Angeles’ staggering backlog of basic maintenance is hurting residents and driving up liability costs. It typically takes more than a decade to get a sidewalk repaired. Street trees are pruned only about every 15 years. Half the city’s streets need to be resurfaced, and about 15% are considered failed.

The city is also far behind on basic maintenance of streetlights like the one that injured Luna. Bureau of Street Lighting General Manager Miguel Sangalang said the goal is to inspect lights once every 10 years. The city does respond to reports of burned-out lights, but it can take six months or longer to get one fixed.

Because of skyrocketing liability payouts, which also stem from cases involving employment matters and police use of force and negligence, the city is considering borrowing $80 million to pay off some judgments and settlements. That would cost an additional $20 million in interest at current rates, which means the city would be paying a total of $100 million just to resolve legal cases rather than to address any underlying issues.

“We are being asked to borrow money to cover the liability costs created by our crumbling infrastructure instead of actually fixing it,” lamented Jessica Meaney, executive director of the nonprofit Investing in Place.

This isn’t a new problem. For years, the city hasn’t budgeted enough money to adequately maintain streets, lights, sidewalks, trees and public infrastructure. It often takes a lawsuit and a ballot measure to force city leaders to prioritize safety and repairs. Indeed, in 2015, L.A. agreed to spend $30 million a year to fix broken sidewalks only after disabled residents sued the city.

That barely made a dent in the backlog, however. An audit found that in fiscal year 2020, the city spent $12 million — nearly half its total budget for sidewalk repairs — to resolve injury claims and lawsuits.

Meaney and other advocates have pushed L.A. to adopt a capital infrastructure plan, a multiyear, budgeted road map for investing in and maintaining public assets. Los Angeles is the only major city in the country without one, which forces its public works departments to beg and scramble for funding every year.

The Bureau of Street Lighting is an example. The agency does not have the staff or budget to regularly inspect streetlights to identify dangerously loose caps or other problems, or to swiftly fix burnedout or vandalized lights. The agency gets the bulk of its funding from taxes paid by property owners in street lighting assessment districts, but 90% of the assessments haven’t increased since 1996. Somehow the agency is expected to manage 220,000 streetlights with a funding stream that hasn’t changed in nearly 30 years, plus whatever the City Council and mayor can afford to spare each budget cycle.

L.A. cannot keep budgeting this way. The city is long overdue for a comprehensive plan that outlines infrastructure needs and costs, including for regular maintenance and improvements to public works, such as bus shelters, landscaped medians and protected bike lanes. Then the City Council and mayor can prioritize projects and commit spending — or seek more money through bonds or tax measures — to deliver on what Angelenos should expect from a world-class city.

Last month, Mayor Karen Bass announced that city staff would develop a multiyear investment plan to coordinate maintenance and improvements. Her Executive Directive 9 creates a Capital Planning Steering Committee to help deliver infrastructure projects in less time and at lower cost.

It’s a good idea, but the planning and prioritizing can’t be done behind closed doors. Bass and the City Council have to do this work in the open so that the public, including neighborhood councils, advocates and business leaders, knows what to expect and can hold city leaders accountable.

Los Angeles has underinvested in its infrastructure for decades. Residents are paying the price in higher liability payouts and embarrassingly decrepit streets, sidewalks and other public works.

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L.A. sheriff’s deputy avoids jail in shooting death of suicidal man

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An L.A. County sheriff’s deputy will avoid jail time in the 2021 shooting death of a suicidal man under the terms of a plea deal reached with prosecutors Tuesday morning.

Remin Pineda will be placed on two years of probation and must give up his right to be a police officer in California after pleading no contest to one count of assault with a firearm and one count of assault under color of authority, prosecutors said.

Pineda must also perform 250 hours of community service and provide a written apology to the victim’s family. He also faces a suspended sentence of 180 days in jail if he violates the terms of the deal and he is barred from owning a firearm for the rest of his life.

The Los Angeles County district attorney’s office worked out a similar agreement last year with Pineda, one of four deputies who shot David Ordaz Jr. to death in front of his family’s house as the man wielded a knife in 2021. But a judge rejected the deal after Ordaz’s relatives made emotional pleas that his potential sentence was too light.

Ordaz’s family lined the courtroom again Tuesday, many of them wearing pins emblazoned with an image of their loved one, shedding tears even before L.A. County Deputy Dist. Atty. Ryan Dibble finished explaining the terms of the deal.

Hilda Pedroza, the victim’s oldest sister, pleaded with Los Angeles County Judge Mark S. Arnold to allow a jury of county residents to decide Pineda’s fate and give her family “hope in this justice system.”

“Give an opportunity for the community of L.A., for the county of L.A., to actually watch this video to give them an opportunity to see it themselves and judge for themselves,” she said.

This time, Arnold accepted the plea deal. He said he “agonized” over the decision but was ultimately swayed by the fact that Pineda didn’t respond to the call with the intent to kill Ordaz and had to make the decision to fire “in the blink of an eye.”

“I don’t believe this is a good resolution for anybody, but I’ll tell ya I’ve been in this business a long time and I think it does comport with justice,” Arnold said.

In a statement, a district attorney’s office spokeswoman said Pineda’s lack of criminal history made it “unlikely” he’d have faced prison time even if convicted at trial.

“Our hearts go out to Mr. Ordaz’s family for their immeasurable loss, and we cannot pretend to know the pain they suffer,” the statement read. “However, we believe that the outcome is appropriate given the circumstances of the case.”

Pineda was charged with assault with a firearm and assault under color of authority in 2022. Prosecutors determined they didn’t have enough evidence to charge two other deputies who shot Ordaz, and said a third acted in lawful self-defense.

Pineda’s use of force was deemed excessive, however, because he continued shooting even after Ordaz was on the ground and fired at least one round after he dropped the knife, according to a recording of the incident played in court last year.

Deputies were called to the home in March 2021 after Ordaz, 34, armed himself with a blade and told his sister he was suicidal. When deputies confronted him, he was holding a 12-inch kitchen knife and screamed at deputies to shoot him, according to body camera footage taken at the scene.

“That’s not what we want to do, man,” Pineda said, according to court records.

Eventually, deputies fired beanbag rounds in an effort to subdue Ordaz. But he moved toward them, and all four deputies opened fire, killing him with a barrage of at least a dozen bullets. The gunfire continued as Ordaz collapsed and his relatives screamed out, according to the video.

Pineda kept firing after the other deputies stopped shooting, even as Ordaz “continued to lie on the ground on the right side of his body,” according to court records.

Footage of the incident showed Pineda firing a round even after another deputy told him to stop.

Pineda’s attorney, Steven Alvarado, disagreed with the idea that jail time would be the only justice in the case and said he believed his client is paying a “heavy price.”

“There are no winners in this case,” he said. “I am empathetic to the family members that are here today.”

The case is representative of the struggles outgoing Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón has faced in his aggressive pursuit of police in excessive force cases. Although he has charged officers in shootings far more frequently than his predecessors, those cases have often ended in acquittals, dismissals or plea deals with minimal jail time.

“We have to take a realistic view in the particular courtroom that we are in, who the judges are, what kind of rulings we’ve been getting,” Gascón said in an interview with The Times last month. “Sometimes we settle for less than we want … sometimes we recognize we’re working with a handicap and we’re doing the best we can.”

Emily Ordaz, the oldest of the victim’s three daughters, said such attitudes are problematic and show law enforcement officers they will face few, if any, consequences for killings like her father’s.

“So much lies in your hands and the decision you make in this case: the future of my family, the safety of the people of Los Angeles and any faith in the criminal justice system at all,” she told Arnold on Tuesday morning, adding that the deal given to Pineda tells police “that even with proper witness testimony, ample video evidence and a bit of luck, they can kill without repercussion.”

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Steel vs. Tran: California’s 45th District among closest House races

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An Orange County congressional race, one of the closest in the country, is coming down to so few votes that it feels more like a small-town city council contest than a race for the House of Representatives.

The 45th District race was the closest in the country for several days. On Friday, Republican Rep. Michelle Steel led the race by 58 votes. Her challenger, Democrat Derek Tran, took the lead Saturday by 36 votes, widening his lead to 102 votes Monday and to 314 on Tuesday as ballots continue to be counted.

“People who have been watching closely and feel like the race is on a knife’s edge are anxious to see this one get called,” said Paul Mitchell, whose firm Political Data Inc. tracks voting trends.

The earliest votes counted in the 45th District showed Steel leading by more than 5 percentage points, but that lead vanished as elections officials counted ballots deposited in drop boxes or sent by mail. California law requires that ballots be counted as long as they are postmarked by election day and arrive at the registrar’s office within a week of the election.

The shift from comfortably red on election night to uncomfortably purple two weeks later has been held up by right-wing agitators as evidence of voter fraud. Elon Musk reshared a post on X alleging that Tran had moved into the lead 11 days after the election because California was “corrupt as hell,” while Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene said that Democrats are “stealing a House seat right out from under us.”

Experts say there’s nothing amiss in the district beyond California’s typically poky counting speeds and what’s known as the “red mirage” or the “blue shift.” The phenomenon occurs in districts where in-person voting on election day is skewed toward Republicans, while mail ballots counted later trend toward Democrats.

Tran, a first-time candidate, is hoping to be the first Vietnamese American to represent the congressional district, which includes Little Saigon.

Tran’s campaign manager, Gowri Buddiga, called for patience on Monday, saying the Democrat’s campaign is “confident that as the remaining vote-by-mail, provisional, and conditional ballots are tallied, Derek Tran will emerge victorious.” Steel’s campaign declined to comment.

The Tran campaign thanked county elections workers who “continue to do their essential work in the face of lies, hostility and bomb threats.”

Republicans have won 218 House seats, just enough to control the chamber. Whether it will be a whisper-thin advantage or a little more comfortable majority remains up in the air: Five seats have yet to be called, two of them in California.

Election workers verify signatures on ballots at the Orange County Registrar of Voters.

Election workers verify signatures on ballots at the Orange County Registrar of Voters.

(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)

The 45th District, which includes a slice of Los Angeles County, was one of the country’s most expensive races. Steel was a key target for Democrats, because although she is a Republican, voters there supported Democrat Joe Biden in 2020. Former President Clinton visited Orange County to campaign for Tran, a sign of how much the Democratic Party prioritized the race.

Steel and Tran both focused heavily on outreach to Asian American voters, who make up a plurality in the district, which runs through 17 cities including Garden Grove, Westminster, Fountain Valley, Buena Park and Cerritos.

Born to South Korean parents and raised in Japan, Steel broke barriers in 2020 when she became one of three Korean American women elected to the House. She leaned heavily on anti-communist messaging to reach out to older voters who fled Vietnam after the fall of Saigon.

Tran, who was born in the U.S. to Vietnamese refugee parents, focused heavily on Vietnamese Americans, hoping that his family’s story would help win over voters who were once loyal to the Republican Party.

Mitchell said his analysis of the 45th District shows that there are about 13,000 ballots left to be counted. He said ballots cast before election day had a 5.1% advantage for Democrats, in-person voting on election day had a Republican advantage of 15%, and votes counted after election day skewed blue by 18.5%.

That pattern is driven by young voters, he said, who “end up voting later than everyone else,” and tend to lean more liberal.

Mitchell said more than 4,600 ballots in the 45th District weren’t counted initially due to technicalities, including ballots that weren’t signed, or were signed with a signature that didn’t match the voter information on file.

Voters whose ballots were not initially counted have been notified by county elections officials, along with instructions on how to make their ballots count. So far, Mitchell said, 1,170 of those votes have been counted through a process known as “curing,” in which voters can correct such issues and attest to elections officials that the flawed ballot is really theirs.

Volunteers and political groups have mounted labor-intensive campaigns to find those voters and get them to turn in their forms. Voters cannot change their votes during the curing process, and have until Dec. 1 to fix any technical issues.

“We know this race is going to be determined by a couple thousand votes,” said Bulmaro “Boomer” Vicente, policy and political director at Chispa OC, a nonprofit advocacy group for young Orange County Latinos that is working to cure ballots in the district.

Chispa is working with the labor union Unite Here Local 11 and the progressive group OC Action. All three organizations received funding from Battleground California, a super PAC funded by a coalition of progressive groups that has spent $200,000 this month on ballot-curing operations in the 45th Congressional District as well as in the closely watched 13th Congressional District in the Central Valley.

“One of the most challenging things is actually finding a voter,” Vicente said. “It’s been hard to get folks to respond to the phones. We’re just going out to neighborhoods and we’re knocking on doors and really trying to find the voter on the list.”

Chispa also spent more than $250,000 through a newly created super PAC on advertisements and canvassing to support Tran. The group hadn’t spent in a congressional race before, Vicente said, but after the debate between Biden and former President Trump in July, “the reality was setting in that Trump might win, and we felt that in order for us to really have a check on the administration, we needed to win the House.”

California does not have automatic recounts. Any voter or campaign can request a recount within five days of the election being certified, but must foot the costs, which could be in the hundreds of thousands of dollars for a congressional race. Election officials refund the money if the recount changes the result.

California Republican Party Chair Jessica Millan Patterson said last week that the party had recruited and trained thousands of volunteers to monitor the state’s ballot counting process and work on reaching out to voters whose ballots were flagged due to technical issues.

“I know how frustrating it can be to wait on results during this long process,” she said in a public video. “But please know that the California Republican Party and our partners are committed to ensuring that our elections are fair and your vote is safe and secure. We won’t rest until the last legal ballot is counted.”

She added: “We knew this was coming, as we’ve seen it before.”

Two years ago, it took nearly a month for the dust to settle in California’s congressional races. The race between Democrat Adam Gray and now-Rep. John Duarte, a Republican, in the Central Valley was decided by 564 votes and wasn’t called by the Associated Press until Dec. 2.

The two are again locked in a close contest in the ongoing 13th District tally, which became the closest in the country Tuesday night after Merced County reported tabulations that narrowed Duarte’s lead over Gray to 227 votes.

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Judge ‘troubled’ by Danny Masterson’s attorneys tracking down jurors after rape trial

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Attorneys working for Danny Masterson contacted jurors from the actor’s rape trial despite a judge’s order meant to limit publicly available information about their identities, drawing alarm from the jurors and Masterson’s victims, court records show.

In an order made public in September, Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Charlaine Olmedo said she was “troubled” by the conduct of the attorneys, who on multiple occasions contacted jurors at their homes and businesses to interview them as part of Masterson’s effort to appeal his 2023 conviction.

The former star of the sitcom “That 70s Show,” Masterson is serving a sentence of 30 years to life in state prison for sexually assaulting three fellow members of the Church of Scientology in the early 2000s.

One of the actor’s lawyers, Shawn Holley, said three jurors had agreed to meet voluntarily. She said nothing “harassing or improper” had occurred, and all three jurors volunteered their cellphone numbers when contacted.

But the judge said she had received complaints from jurors who “felt pressured by the defense team,” and said they were “not first advised that they had the absolute right to not discuss the case if they did not want to do so.”

Olmedo wrote she was “troubled that they were approached at their homes.”

Court filings show some jurors emailed Olmedo earlier this year saying they were “concerned” and believed Masterson’s lawyers weren’t supposed to know where they lived or worked.

Last week, prosecutors asked Olmedo to hold a hearing to consider sanctioning Masterson’s attorneys. It would mark the second round of disciplinary hearings against members of his legal team in two years. The motion named Holley, her co-counsel Phillip Cohen and two other attorneys working for Masterson, Clifford Gardner and Eric Multhaup.

One juror’s email attached to Olmedo’s ruling said a woman who identified herself as “a member of Mr. Masterson’s habeas team” appeared on their lawn on Sept. 15.

The foreperson of the jury that convicted Masterson said Holley, one of the actor’s lead defense attorneys, called them at their job last year, two months after they returned a guilty verdict, according to an email submitted to the court.

Olmedo wrote that several jurors had been the subject of “unwanted contact at their homes or work by members of the defense team” and they had asked her to “inquire how the defense team obtained their identifying information.”

In her September order, Olmedo forbade the attorneys from directly contacting jurors.

Holley said she’d done nothing wrong and is no longer directly involved in Masterson’s case. Gardner and Cohen, who also said he is no longer engaged in the case, said they had not contacted any jurors.

Multhaup confirmed one of his investigators approached a juror at their home on Sept. 15 and “comported herself in complete compliance with [the California] Code of Civil Procedure.” He disputed the idea that jurors’ identities were meant to be kept secret, arguing Olmedo’s ruling only hid information contained in “the forms that the jurors fill out relating to their jury service.”

Under the state Code of Civil Procedure, defendants and their legal teams have the right to discuss a verdict with a juror, provided the juror consents to the conversation and the discussion happens at a “reasonable time and place.”

Multhaup said his investigator simply located the juror through routine research, and contacted them prior to the terms of Olmedo’s order taking effect on Sept. 17.

“In short, up until September 17, it was fine for defense representatives to contact jurors directly, subject to … requirements of reasonable time and place,” he said. “Broad daylight is eminently reasonable.”

Holley said she’s spoken with three jurors, including the foreperson, since trial.

“I made it clear to all 3 jurors with whom I spoke—and ultimately met— that they were under no obligation to speak with me or to meet with me, and they all were more than willing to do so. I met all 3 of them [separately] at times and places which were convenient for them and I was cordial and respectful of their time and boundaries,” Holley said in an email to The Times. “I feel confident that none of the 3 jurors with whom I spoke/met reported our interaction to Judge Olmedo as harassing or improper.”

Holley said she was able to figure out where some of the jurors worked based on information they provided in open court during jury selection, details that would not have been covered by Olmedo’s sealing order.

Masterson’s case has been marked by repeated allegations of attorney misconduct and outside interference.

Last June, Olmedo sanctioned two of of Masterson’s former lawyers, Thomas Mesereau and Sharon Applebaum, for improperly sharing discovery from the trial with the Church of Scientology. News of the sharing of the materials — which included private conversations between Masterson’s victims and police as well as the victims’ home addresses — drew panic from the women at the center of the case, who have accused the church of a years-long campaign of harassment in a civil suit. The church has denied all wrongdoing in that case.

Earlier this year, The Times reported on allegations that the church attempted to “derail” the case against Masterson by harassing law enforcement officials involved in his criminal trial. A break-in was reported at the home of the lead prosecutor, Deputy Dist. Atty. Reinhold Mueller, who also claimed he was harassed and nearly “run off the road” in the lead-up to the trial, according to a civil lawsuit, police reports and a video reviewed by The Times.

Los Angeles police detectives assigned to the case also claimed they’d been followed and harassed by church agents, according to a 2023 interview with former LAPD Chief Michel Moore. But an LAPD investigation failed to substantiate those claims, Moore said at the time.

The church has said there is “zero evidence” to support such claims, and previously accused law enforcement of having a bias against the religion. Neither Olmedo’s order nor the prosecution’s sanction motion mentioned the church in relation to the incidents with the jurors.

In a statement issued Tuesday, the church denied any wrongdoing.

“There is not a scintilla of evidence supporting the scandalous allegations that the Church harassed the accusers. Every single instance of supposed harassment by the Church is FALSE,” spokeswoman Karin Pouw wrote in an email to The Times. “We have information from the D.A.’s Office, the City Attorney’s Office and the LAPD confirming that the Church was not investigated or even a suspect with respect to any of the incidents alleged by the accusers.”

John Kucera, an attorney representing Masterson’s victims, said the women were “gravely concerned to learn of the Masterson legal team’s unwanted attempts to contact jurors at their homes.”

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State drug task force halts $11.9 million in fentanyl, governor says

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Amid an ongoing opioid crisis, a special task force of the California National Guard helped seize 1,542 pounds of fentanyl last month, with a street value of about $11.9 million, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Tuesday.

The nationwide opioid crisis continues to plague California — even as individual counties record a plateau in deaths related to drug overdoses.

State officials are responding by doubling staffing and investing millions towards a special task force to remove fentanyl pills, and other illicit opioids, from street sales.

In October, the California National Guard’s Counterdrug Task Force helped seize more than 1.7 million fentanyl pills. The effort comes after Newsom increased the number of service members earlier this year from 155 to 392 to halt the entry of fentanyl across state ports.

“California continues the intensive work of keeping fentanyl out of our communities, helping law enforcement seize over 204% more fentanyl last month than the month prior,” Newsom said in a news release Tuesday.

The task force was launched in 2022, when about 30 service members were deployed to the San Ysidro, Otay Mesa, Tecate and Calexico ports of entry. Following its “initial success,” the task force doubled in size after receiving a $30-million federal investment to halt drug trafficking by transnational criminal organizations and address humanitarian and security efforts, state officials say.

Last year, the task force and California Highway Patrol were deployed to San Francisco to help police and prosecutors tackle the city’s fentanyl crisis. Some said the plan lacked specificity while others said it targeted low-income neighborhoods such as the Tenderloin. But Newsom assured critics that the partnership targeted drug traffickers and suppliers, not people experiencing substance abuse.

In 2023, 810 people in San Francisco died from unintentional drug overdoses, according to the San Francisco Office of the Chief Medical Examiner. About 540 people have died from accidental overdoses in San Francisco between January and October 2024.

The drugs most often reported in those deaths were fentanyl, heroin, medicinal opioids, methamphetamine and cocaine.

In Los Angeles County, the number of casualties decreased from 3,220 in 2022 to 3,092 in 2023, according to the L.A. County Department of Public Health.

The slight drop is partially accredited to the community distribution of naloxone, a medicine used to reverse the effects of opioids and stabilize breathing. About 5,000 overdoses were reversed with naloxone as of 2022, according to L.A. County Health Services.

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Unusual tattoo linked ‘Chesapeake Bandits’ member to heist, jury finds

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During a brazen Valentine’s Day heist of an armored truck in Hawthorne, the robber kept his face covered.

But as he bent down to stuff bills from a haul of more than $166,000 into bags, his hoodie rode up — exposing a star tattoo on his lower back.

That tattoo became a major point of focus in the trial this month of Deneyvous Hobson, an accused member of a prolific L.A. armored car robbery crew known as the Chesapeake Bandits.

A star tattoo shows below the bottom of a sweatshirt.

A star tattoo recorded during a robbery in 2022 become a major point of focus in the trial this month of Deneyvous Hobson, an accused member of a prolific L.A. armored car robbery crew known as the Chesapeake Bandits.

(U.S. attorney’s office)

Hobson, 38, faced conspiracy, robbery, and weapons charges.

Prosecutors told the jury that the star tattoo, captured in surveillance video during the 2022 robbery, matched one in the same location on Hobson’s lower back.

“The evidence of defendant’s guilt is his tattoo,” Asst. U.S. Atty. Jason C. Pang told jurors at the start of trial last week.

During the trial, both sides presented expert witnesses to talk about the tattoo. Alex Alonso, who has worked as a professor in the Cal State University system and recently taught a class about the history of street gangs, was called by the defense.

Alonso testified that he’s seen the five-pointed star used by various gangs in L.A., including the Trouble Gangster Crips, about eight different Hoover gangs, and two factions of the Black P-Stones.

Prosecutors called Dominic Pollio, an LAPD officer who works the gang enforcement detail in the Southwest Division, as their rebuttal witness. He said he’d interacted with hundreds of members of the Black P-Stones this year alone.

Asked whether he’d seen the five-pointed star on the lower back of any of the gang members, Pollio said no.

Hobson’s lawyers argued that prosecutors had the wrong man.

“Having a similar tattoo in a similar location does not make you the robber,” federal public defender Michael L. Brown said in closing arguments Tuesday. “The government believes that just by proving to you that Hobson has a tattoo that somehow this is Cinderella, where only one person in the land can fit the size-six glass slipper.”

The jury seemed to think the shoe fit, taking around 40 minutes to come back with its verdict: guilty on all counts.

A star tattoo is revealed as a man bends over and exposes part of his lower back.

A star tattoo recorded during a robbery in 2022 become a major point of focus in the trial this month of Deneyvous Hobson, an accused member of a prolific L.A. armored car robbery crew known as the Chesapeake Bandits.

(U.S. attorney’s office)

During the six-day trial, prosecutors presented evidence that Hobson and his half brother — co-defendant James Russell Davis, 36 — robbed a Sectran Security armored truck by ambushing the truck’s driver as he refilled an ATM on a Monday morning.

Hobson and Davis had cased the Wescom Credit Union three weeks prior to the robbery, prosecutors said.

The armored truck driver, Jose Guzman, testified that as he serviced the ATM on Feb. 14, 2022, a person came up to him and put a gun to his head. He said the robber told him if he tried anything, “they were going to blow my head off.”

“I just wanted to survive,” Guzman said, testifying that the robbers took his weapon, a .40-caliber handgun.

Hobson and two co-conspirators stole approximately $166,640 in cash and checks, according to prosecutors.

As the robbers returned to their car, one of them fired a 9mm handgun, according to prosecutors.

Guzman, who had worked for Sectran for about 11 years, said he quit soon after that. He now works for a cement trucking company.

“I didn’t want to risk it anymore,” Guzman said. “I had a young son at home.”

Authorities believe Hobson and Davis were part of a group behind a series of heists targeting armored cars across the Los Angeles region. They were called the Chesapeake Bandits because they carefully planned the holdups at a home on Chesapeake Avenue in L.A.’s West Adams neighborhood, investigators say.

Members would force security guards to the ground at gunpoint, zip-tie them and grab money bags before fleeing, according to law enforcement.

Hobson faces a statutory maximum sentence of life in federal prison. He has been in federal custody since February 2023.

Davis, who was captured by the FBI, pleaded guilty in February to robbery and gun charges. He was sentenced to nearly 14 years in prison.

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Two rounds of rain expected to hit Southern California: What to know

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An atmospheric river storm that dumped record rain in Northern California will bring decidedly less precipitation to Southern California.

On Saturday, Los Angeles and Ventura counties could see anywhere from a tenth to a third of an inch of rain. San Luis Obispo and Santa Barbara counties could see up to an inch in some areas.

A second round of rain expected to begin Sunday could be “a little stronger than the first but still likely in the ‘beneficial rain’ category,” the National Weather Service said in its latest L.A. forecast. Wet conditions could last to Wednesday.

Chances are low of flooding or any other significant issues in Southern California, forecasters said, though roads could become slick and snarl traffic.

Concern about the upcoming rainy season has been growing among residents living on and near the Portuguese Bend landslide area in Rancho Palos Verdes, because increased rainfall leads to more groundwater — which is the impetus for the ongoing devastating land movement.

But city officials are hopeful that extensive “winterization efforts,” which include improving drainage, filling in cracks and lining canyon walls, can help minimize the effect of any new rain. Many of those projects have been completed, but some remain underway. The work aims “to best prepare ourselves for the wet weather season ahead,” said David Copp, the city’s deputy public works director.

Parts of the landslide have seen recent slowing, and, in some areas, even complete stabilization, the city has reported, but additional rain is always a concern for this unstable region.

In Northern California, the storm brought several feet of snow in the Sierra as well as flooding and the threat of mudslides.



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Why did California’s minimum-wage boost fail?

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Californians, who have historically supported efforts to raise the minimum wage, were not swayed this time around.

After two weeks of postelection uncertainty, Proposition 32, the initiative to increase the state’s minimum wage to $18 an hour, was defeated by a narrow margin.

The rejection was “a pretty poignant sign of the times in a state like California,” said John Kabateck, state director of the National Federation of Independent Business, which had urged voters to vote no. “It is certainly sending a message that Californians across the political spectrum are fed up with higher costs and greater uncertainty on Main Street.”

Proposition 32 was declared defeated after falling just short, with 49.2% voting “yes.” The Associated Press called the race on Tuesday evening.

The outcome was the latest indication of a rightward shift in the reliably blue state, which saw a number of surprising results from the Nov. 5 election. Voters overwhelmingly supported a ballot measure to undo a decade of progressive criminal justice reform, and rejected an initiative that would have banned forced prison labor.

Opponents and economists said that by striking down the proposed minimum-wage increase, voters signaled that they were nervous about businesses raising prices to offset their added labor expenses. The prospect of paying more for consumer goods was especially unappealing after years of high inflation, which has led to a persistent feeling among many people that they’re on shaky financial footing.

“Arguments about the minimum wage are always very emotional,” said Till von Wachter, an economics professor at UCLA. “Economic issues are top of mind right now, and that can lead to a rejection of a higher minimum wage.”

Voters were closely divided on the proposition, which would have raised the minimum wage to $17 an hour immediately for larger employers and to $18 an hour starting in January. Smaller employers with 25 or fewer employees would have been required to do the same but at a slower rate: $17 an hour next year and $18 an hour in 2026.

The initiative received support in counties including Los Angeles, Santa Barbara and all nine that make up the San Francisco Bay Area. Higher-income counties were more likely to have voted yes, according to a Times review of voter results, although Orange and San Diego counties voted no.

California already has one of the highest minimum wages in the country, trailing just the District of Columbia and Washington. The state’s minimum wage has doubled since 2010, most recently increasing to $16 from $15.50 in January.

Many cities — including Los Angeles, West Hollywood, Santa Monica and Pasadena — have even higher minimums. Meanwhile the federal minimum wage has sat at $7.25 for 15 years.

As such, voters might have felt that another wage hike was unnecessary, said Chris Thornberg, an economist who founded Beacon Economics, a research and consulting firm in Los Angeles. The outcome was in part a reflection of the overall swing to the right nationwide, he said, and also about a sense of “fairness.”

“As you continue to push the minimum wage up, people are less empathetic,” he said. “The California public is at that point where they think this is just not fair to the rest of us.”

“Enough is enough. The state’s voters continue to support so-called progressive policies, but are drawing the line when it impacts their cost of living or quality of life.”

— Jot Condie, president and chief executive of the California Restaurant Assn.

In practice, the effects of raising the minimum wage on inflation and on unemployment are complex and hotly debated.

Supporters of Proposition 32 argued that increasing the minimum wage stimulates the economy, improves the standard of living for lower-income workers and reduces employee turnover. A new standard, they said, was necessary to cope with the state’s exorbitant cost of living.

The campaign estimated that more than 2 million California workers stood to benefit from the measure, which was spearheaded by millionaire investor and anti-poverty activist Joe Sanberg.

“The fight for higher wages and economic dignity for millions of California workers doesn’t end here — we’ll continue until every California worker earns enough to live and thrive,” Sanberg said in a statement Tuesday evening. “While today’s outcome was not what we expected, we are hopeful for the work ahead.”

Opponents said the measure was bad for consumers — and for workers. They worried companies would pass on the extra labor costs to customers through higher product prices, and would try to save money by laying off staff, slashing employee hours and replacing workers with automation.

“It was a very easy call to vote no on it,” said Bill Bender, 70, a restaurant operations consultant from San José. “It’s too much, too fast for the industry to absorb.”

California had a recent real-world case study in raising the minimum wage to consider, which may have factored into voters’ decision-making: In April, the state’s fast-food workers saw their pay jump to a minimum of $20 an hour, an increase established by Assembly Bill 1228.

Many cashiers, line and prep cooks, counter attendants and baristas saw as much as a 25% raise overnight thanks to the new law, which applies to California fast-food workers employed by any chain with more than 60 locations nationwide, and covers corporate-owned and franchised locations.

Even before it kicked in, fast-food giants including Chipotle, McDonald’s, Starbucks, Jack in the Box and Shake Shack warned that they were planning to raise menu prices as a result, leaving customers to eat the cost.

“Fast-food consumers are very frustrated by the price increases that they’re seeing,” said Jot Condie, president and chief executive of the California Restaurant Assn., which opposed Proposition 32. “They were just connecting the dots and saying, ‘This $18-an-hour minimum wage is going to increase prices across the board.’”

A McDonald's in Azusa

A McDonald’s in Azusa. The company warned it would raise prices after California’s fast-food minimum wage hike took effect in April.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

Michaela Mendelsohn operates six El Pollo Loco locations in Los Angeles and Ventura counties. She believed that raising the state’s minimum wage would have led to a jump in prices, but said she supported Proposition 32 because it would have narrowed the gap between what she and other fast-food operators are required to pay their employees and what non-fast-food companies pay.

Since the state moved to $20 an hour for fast-food workers, Mendelsohn said transactions at her six stores are down 5% to 8% from a year ago and she has trimmed total labor hours by 8% to 10%.

David Neumark, a UC Irvine economist and national expert on minimum wages and their economic effects, said he was surprised by the outcome and that it was hard to pinpoint a single factor for the measure’s defeat.

His research over the years has shown there’s an economic trade-off in pushing up the minimum wage: Some lower-income workers benefit from increased pay, but overall jobs are reduced as employers cut back due to higher costs, which hurts the financial well-being of the working poor and those with fewer skills.

Although it’s a commonly accepted theory that a boost in the minimum wage could lead to job loss, von Wachter of UCLA said that isn’t always the case.

“The argument that higher wages lead to lower employment does not have a lot of evidence going for it,” he said. “Instead, in situations where employers have some market power, higher minimum wages can raise employment.”

California voters are heavily Democratic and a high minimum wage generally aligns with left-wing values, but voters on both sides of the aisle didn’t adhere to typical party-line trends when it came to Proposition 32.

Randy Jeffs, a Republican from Irvine, said he didn’t vote for a presidential candidate in the election. But he did vote yes on Proposition 32 after calculating that a worker paid at the higher rate would still only make $37,440 a year on a full-time, 40-hour-a-week schedule.

“If prices rise a little to pay for an $18-an-hour minimum wage, so be it,” Jeffs, 70, said. “If the wealth is to be spread about, what better way than to those willing to learn [and] work?”

But in the end, most voters decided that “enough is enough,” Condie said.

“The state’s voters continue to support so-called progressive policies,” he said, “but are drawing the line when it impacts their cost of living or quality of life.”

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L.A. ‘sanctuary city’ law won’t prevent deportations. But ‘we are hardening our defenses’

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Facing President-elect Donald Trump’s promised mass deportation of immigrants in the country illegally, the Los Angeles City Council on Tuesday tentatively backed a “sanctuary city” law that forbids city employees and resources from being involved in federal immigration enforcement.

The law would not stop the federal government from carrying out mass deportations in Los Angeles. Still, it is intended to signal that City Hall is standing with its large immigrant population in a deep blue city already well-known for resisting Trump.

Also on Tuesday, the Los Angeles school board affirmed the nation’s second-largest school system as a sanctuary for immigrants and the LGBTQ+ community.

Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, who represents the central San Fernando Valley, said Tuesday that the city is “hardening our defenses” in the face of Trump’s election.

“We know there is a target on our back from this president-elect,” Blumenfield said.

The law, which passed unanimously, will be revised by the city attorney’s office after the council approved minor amendments. The council will then vote on the revised version.

Trump has promised to deport a vast number of immigrants in the U.S. illegally, saying he would use military troops as well as state and local law enforcement.

During his last presidency, Trump deported about 1.5 million immigrants, according to a Migration Policy Institute analysis of federal figures, which the Biden administration is on pace to match. The last Trump administration sought to withhold money from Los Angeles over its long-standing policy of not allowing police officers to take part in immigration enforcement.

During his recent campaign, Trump said he would ask Congress to pass a law outlawing sanctuary cities nationwide.

The L.A. sanctuary city law, which was proposed in early 2023 — long before Trump’s election — aims to build a firewall between federal immigration enforcement and city agencies.

Under the law, city employees and city property may not be used to “investigate, cite, arrest, hold, transfer or detain any person” for the purpose of immigration enforcement. An exception is made for law enforcement investigating serious offenses.

City employees may not seek or collect information about an individual’s citizenship or immigration status, unless the information is necessary to provide a city service. They must treat data or information that can be used to trace a person’s citizenship or immigration status as confidential.

At the same time, the city must comply with a valid warrant issued by a federal or state judge, or any other applicable order.

The law will have little practical effect, since Los Angeles already draws a line between city officials and immigration enforcement. The LAPD’s policy barring officers initiating contact with a person solely to determine their immigration status has been in effect since 1979.

In proposing the law, Councilmembers Eunisses Hernandez, Hugo Soto-Martínez and Nithya Raman sought to enshrine an order enacted by then-Mayor Eric Garcetti several years earlier.

Questions remained Tuesday about how the sanctuary city law would intersect with LAPD policies and three departments — Water and Power, the Port of L.A. and Los Angeles World Airports — that operate independently from the rest of city government.

One of the amendments passed by the council on Tuesday asks that city officials report back on how the LAPD and the three departments can adopt their own versions of the law.

An LAPD spokesperson, Sgt. William Cooper, told The Times on Tuesday that the new sanctuary law would apply to the Police Department.

About 800,000 of L.A. County’s nearly 10 million residents lacked legal status in 2023, according to the USC Equity Research Institute. More than 70% have been in the country for longer than a decade, according to the institute.

Already, a state law — pushed by then-state Sen. Kevin de León, now a council member who recently lost his reelection bid — limits local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration agents unless the person has been convicted of certain crimes.

De León, speaking at Tuesday’s City Council meeting, said he is the youngest child of an immigrant mother with a third-grade education who came to the country illegally.

“She’s a woman who is just as American as anyone else,” said De León, who went on to blast Congress for failing to pass comprehensive immigration laws.

Even as De León backed the new law, he cautioned that he didn’t want to “mislead folks” into believing “a special force field” will protect them from deportation in Los Angeles.

Critics of the law pointed to Trump’s election as well as former federal prosecutor Nathan Hochman’s recent victory over incumbent L.A. County Dist. Atty. George Gascón as evidence that voters want tougher law enforcement. (California backed Harris over Trump.)

Ira Mehlman, spokesperson for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which favors stricter immigration controls, said the council is “ignoring a very clear message from the voters.”

“The voters are saying, enough of the lawlessness,” Mehlman said. “And the L.A. City Council doesn’t seem to be getting the message.”

“A country without secure borders isn’t a country at all,” said Roxanne Hoge, communications director for the Republican Party of Los Angeles County. “So-called sanctuary cities and states sound warm and fuzzy, but the protections they offer aren’t for abuelas getting ice cream, they’re for people who entered the country illegally and committed additional crimes.”

A representative for the Trump transition team didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Dozens of immigration advocates and labor leaders gathered outside the City Council chambers before Tuesday’s vote, calling on the council to pass the sanctuary city law, which is modeled after a 1989 San Francisco law.

Mawuli Tugbenyoh, acting executive director of the San Francisco Human Rights Commission, told The Times that in his city, the law has strengthened trust between immigrant communities and local government, enabling migrants to report crimes and access services without fear of being deported.

Mayor Karen Bass, in a statement, said she looks forward to “reviewing the final ordinance and continuing our work to keep all Angelenos safe.”

“Los Angeles will always stand together, especially with our immigrant community,” Bass said. “We’ve been clear over the past weeks that the city of Los Angeles will protect all Angelenos and that’s exactly what we will do. Many of the immigrant protections here in Los Angeles have been in place for decades. Today’s action reinforces our commitment to protect our immigrant community and to keep all Angelenos safe.”

Tuesday’s vote marks another chapter in City Hall’s uneven efforts to declare itself a sanctuary city. In 1985, a divided City Council adopted a resolution declaring Los Angeles a city of sanctuary for immigrants fleeing political persecution and violence, particularly refugees from El Salvador and Guatemala.

But one council member threatened a ballot measure to overturn the resolution, prompting the council to drop the word “sanctuary.”

After Trump’s election in 2016, some L.A. council members introduced a resolution to declare L.A. a “city of sanctuary.” But the resolution took two years to come to a vote. By then, immigrant advocates said, it had lost its significance.

Hernandez, who represents neighborhoods near downtown with large immigrant populations, including Pico-Union, said Tuesday’s step toward codifying the city’s policies is meaningful.

“It’s going to be enshrined permanently and that’s important,” Hernandez said. “Because it means it can’t just change from one administration to another without a significant amount of work.”

Times staff writer Andrea Castillo contributed to this report.

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Trump taps pro-wrestling mogul Linda McMahon for secretary of Education

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President-elect Donald Trump announced Tuesday that he is nominating Linda McMahon, a billionaire professional wrestling mogul and small-business champion with minimal schools experience, as secretary of Education.

The nomination of McMahon, a major Republican donor, caught many education experts by surprise. She was not on the Trump transition team’s short list of Education secretary candidates, an informed source said, and many had expected leading opponents of diversity and equity programs to be tapped for the job, including state superintendents of Oklahoma and Louisiana.

Trump, in his announcement, touted McMahon’s “decades of leadership experience” and said she would work for what he called parents’ rights, including the ability to use taxpayer-funded vouchers to allow children to attend any school, public or private. He also said she would spearhead efforts to “send Education BACK TO THE STATES,” possibly alluding to earlier pledges to dismantle the federal Department of Education.

“Linda has been a fierce advocate for Parents’ Rights … giving children the opportunity to receive an excellent Education, regardless of zip code or income,” Trump said in a statement. “As Secretary of Education, Linda will fight tirelessly to expand ‘Choice’ to every State in America, and empower parents to make the best Education decisions for their families.”

Reaction was swift — and divided — over McMahon, who is said to have wanted the job of Commerce secretary but lost out to Wall Street investor Howard Lutnick.

She will spearhead the Trump administration’s education policies, which could reshape federal financial aid, federal research funding and civil rights for LGBTQ+ people and those accused of sexual assault. Trump is also expected to roll back President Biden’s student loan forgiveness efforts.

Other areas of potential scrutiny are teacher job protections in K-12 schools and Head Start preschools.

In Sacramento, Gov. Gavin Newsom told The Times he knew little about McMahon other than her background as a wealthy Trump donor who comes from a family of entertainers.

“I don’t have any idea of her qualifications on education, and I’ve not heard her enunciate a vision that gives me much confidence that it’s anything other than payback for political support,” he said.

Shaun Harper, a USC professor of education, public policy and business, slammed the nomination. “America’s schoolchildren and college students deserved an Education secretary who brings deep education experience to the role,” he said. “Instead, they got a former World Wrestling Entertainment executive. This is embarrassing and a slap in the face to our nation’s talented educators.”

Others praised Trump’s selection.

Madison Miner, the Orange County chair of Moms for Liberty, a conservative organization that opposes curricula about LGBTQ+ rights, race and ethnicity, called McMahon a “wonderful choice.”

“She is an advocate for parent rights and the protection of children,” Miner said. “She will make a huge difference in our Department of Education. … I would love for all parents to have rights over their children.”

Sonja Shaw, president of the Chino Valley Unified School District board, who has become a national figure among conservative parents and school leaders, said McMahon’s appointment seems like a strategic move.

“She has proven her ability to manage money and run a business, and now she has the opportunity to redirect funding to where it truly belongs — back into classrooms, focusing on the fundamentals like reading, writing and math,” Shaw said. “Resources have been wasted on bureaucracy and, far too often, on indoctrination instead of empowering students with the skills they need to succeed.”

Some expressed more cautious views on her selection.

Michael Petrilli, president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, a right-leaning think tank, praised McMahon’s executive experience but said giving her the education portfolio as a “consolation prize” for losing out on the Commerce job demonstrated the “low priority” Trump places on education.

Jason Altmire, president of Career Education Colleges and Universities, which represents 1,300 for-profit campuses across North America, said he was optimistic that McMahon would lead the department to take a more “reasoned and thoughtful approach in addressing many of the overreaching and punitive regulations put forth by the Biden administration, especially those targeting private career schools.”

Rick Hess, an education expert with the conservative American Enterprise Institute, said he also was not familiar with McMahon but cautioned against quick judgments.

“Those seeking reflexive celebration or condemnation should look elsewhere,” he said. Referring to current and former Education secretaries, he added: “After the admirable performance of ‘outsider’ Betsy DeVos and the profound ineptitude of veteran school administrator Miguel Cardona, I’d avoid gross assumptions based on biography.” DeVos was Education secretary in Trump’s first administration, and Cardona currently holds the position.

McMahon served for two years on the Connecticut Board of Education and has been a board member of Sacred Heart University, a Catholic school in Connecticut. Born Baptist and a convert to Catholicism, McMahon has significantly greater experience in business, including being the longtime chief executive and president of the World Wrestling Entertainment Inc.

Her husband, Vince, founded the company and was a household name as televised commercial wrestling exploded in popularity in the 1980s and 1990s. McMahon also twice ran unsuccessfully for U.S. Senate, losing to Connecticut Democrats Richard Blumenthal in 2010 and to Christopher S. Murphy in 2012.

McMahon and her husband were named in a civil suit filed last month by five anonymous plaintiffs who worked decades ago — when they all were under the age of 18 — as “ring boys,” doing errands for World Wrestling Entertainment.

The suit alleges that the McMahons were aware boys were being sexually abused by high-profile WWE employees and did not do enough to protect them. The plaintiffs and other underage victims did not initially come forward, the suit states, because “fear, shame, and the McMahons’ strong-arm tactics and legal machinery were overwhelming, keeping even the strongest Ring Boys silent for decades.”

In a statement to The Times on Wednesday, McMahon’s attorney, Laura Brevetti, wrote that “this civil lawsuit based upon 31-plus year-old allegations is filled with scurrilous lies, exaggerations, and misrepresentations regarding Linda McMahon.”

“The matter at the time was investigated by company attorneys and the FBI, which found no grounds to continue the investigation,” she wrote. The McMahons, she said, are separated.

During his first term, Trump tapped McMahon to lead the Small Business Administration. When she resigned in 2019, she did so on good terms with Trump — unlike many appointees — and later became the chair of the America First Policy Institute, a Trump-connected policy think tank.

While McMahon’s views on many hot-button education issues are not well-known, the institute’s website focuses its priorities on “school choice,” parental approval of curriculum, basic skills and “teaching the truth about America’s history.”

“Today’s contentious debates over using classrooms for political activism rather than teaching a complete and accurate account of American history have reinvigorated calls for greater parental and citizen involvement in the curriculum approval process,” the site says about curriculum.

Regarding history curriculum, the website says: “Racially divisive policies and theories and false teachings of the American founding are indoctrinating America’s youth with an anti-American ideology instead of preparing them for engaged citizenship by teaching rigorous subject matter.” The section directly targets the 1619 Project by the New York Times, which ties the founding of the United States to its history of slavery and racism.

The institute also notes: “Many high school graduates finish school not knowing how to create a budget, balance a checkbook, read bank statements, or plan for savings.”

If McMahon aligns with the America First Policy Institute and related super PAC, “it seems that ending [diversity, equity and inclusion], and accreditation reform are on top of her list, along with promoting vocational education,” said John Aubrey Douglass, a senior research fellow and research professor of public policy and higher education at the UC Berkeley Center for Studies in Higher Education.

A major question is whether Trump will direct McMahon to move forward on his desire to weaken the Education Department — or eliminate it — which would require an act of Congress.

Pedro Noguera, dean of the USC Rossier School of Education, warned that Trump officials who move to do so “should prepare for lots of resistance, because the public generally supports public education, especially in rural areas.”

Ted Mitchell, president of the American Council on Education, said he looked forward to working with McMahon.

“Higher education and our colleges and universities work hard every day to build America and improve lives,” he said in a statement. “Ensuring college access and affordability, supporting student success, and advancing cutting-edge research that saves lives and protects our national security are just some of the common priorities we look forward to working on in the coming months with Secretary-designate McMahon and her team at the Department of Education.”

David Goldberg, California Teachers Assn. president, said the nation’s public schools face a critical moment — needing more funding for safe and stable learning environments, higher pay for teachers and more support for special needs students.

“We need an Education Secretary who understands these issues and will work alongside educators to secure more resources for public schools and protect the institution of public education,” he said. “Our students and communities deserve no less.”

Times staff writer Hailey-Branson Potts contributed to this report.

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