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L.A. County demands investigation into death of baby who died after being left in care of 11-year-old

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Los Angeles County supervisors called Tuesday for an investigation into the death of Thyri Wood, a 1-year-old who died in July after the county’s child welfare agency left her in the care of her 11-year-old brother.

The supervisors voted Tuesday to ask the county’s Office of Child Protection, considered the watchdog agency for the Department of Children and Family Services to look into the death of the Canoga Park baby.

“Every child deserves to grow up in a safe and caring home, and we owe it to them to take action and make meaningful change,” said Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Canoga Park. “We have called for a thorough investigation … to identify where our systems can be strengthened to better protect our young people.”

The investigation comes after The Times reported this month on the circumstances surrounding Thyri’s death. Despite receiving several reports over the spring about her mother disappearing for days at a time and leaving her children without food, DCFS never opened a case — even after learning the 11-year-old was taking care of both Thyri and a 3-year-old sister.

Thyri was found dead in her crib July 1. The autopsy was inconclusive, but she showed signs of dehydration, “poor diet” and possible neglect, according to the county coroner’s postmortem examination.

On Tuesday, the supervisors asked the Office of Child Protection, as well as county lawyers, to “conduct a full investigation” within the next month and a half into the role that county departments — namely the DCFS and the Department of Health Services — played in the case.

The health department oversees a system of medical hubs, where social workers can refer children they suspect are victims of abuse. The supervisors want to find out whether any referrals were made to a hub, according to their motion.

“While we wait to learn more about the infant’s cause of death, we must assess the resources, services, and programs in place throughout Los Angeles County to ensure that children stay safe and well cared for in their homes when there is a suspicion of child abuse and neglect and open investigation,” the motion stated.

Case reviews by the Office of Child Protection are relatively rare. The office last reviewed how the DCFS handled a case in 2022 after the agency placed a 4-year-old with a foster mother who admitted inflicting life-threatening injuries that left him in a coma.

The DCFS said in a statement that it welcomes “a thorough examination of the facts of some of our most complex cases and a thoughtful review of the practices and protocols applied.”

“Child welfare cases are rarely clear cut and tragedies are sobering reminders that there are families in under-resourced communities whose acute personal challenges can quickly escalate when they do not have access to adequate support,” the agency said. “Sadly, even in loving homes, crises may lead to neglect or abuse.”

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High-speed rail financial crisis could get worse under Trump

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The future of California’s decades-long dream to one day connect Los Angeles and San Francisco via high-speed rail is again under threat as a Trump administration redux looms.

His selected Cabinet officials and a California congressman have vowed to pull federal funds from the ongoing rail project, which is budgeted at roughly $100 billion more than the $33-billion budget the authority estimated in 2008.

The potential loss of federal support would pose one more setback for the project, which has struggled to identify tens of billions of needed funds and has no clear timeline for completion.

Sen. Dave Cortese (D-San Jose), chair of the Senate Transportation Committee, said that a combination of cap-and-trade and private developer investments is key to sustaining the life of the project.

“If we can’t come up with a formula like that, that adds up and gets us close to a full substantial budget for the project … we will die under our own weight and never have an opportunity to blame the federal government for much of anything,” he said.

Cortese said that private sector investment will be studied further amid discussions over how long to keep California’s cap-and-trade program, which is set to run out in 2030 and has helped fund the project.

The project was recently targeted on X by Trump’s proposed Department of Government Efficiency, as its leaders Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy look for areas to cut spending. The post highlighted the $6.8 billion the project has received in federal funding, and the authority’s request for an additional $8 billion. Musk said earlier this year that billions of dollars have been spent on high-speed rail “for practically nothing.”

And U.S. Rep. Kevin Kiley (R-Rocklin), who sits on the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, announced plans to introduce legislation that would cut federal dollars on the project.

“High-speed rail, in short, is a staggering waste of taxpayer dollars that fails to meet the transportation needs of either today or tomorrow,” Kiley said. “That federal support is keeping the project on life support.”

Trump, who earlier this year lamented that the U.S. doesn’t have high-speed rail, clawed back a $929-million Obama-era grant in 2019. The Biden administration restored that funding and last year promised nearly $3.1 billion more to California. The authority said that although those funds were authorized, they have not been spent yet. A Republican Congress under Trump could try to reverse course once again.

U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, who helped secure federal funding last year, said in a statement that he is “prepared to use every available avenue to protect current funding and prevent clawbacks of federal high speed rail investments.”

Advocates have pointed to the state’s need for environmentally sustainable transportation options as a major reason to keep the project going.

“More than 25 countries — most of them smaller than California — have been operating clean, safe and fast high-speed rail systems for years. We should be leading, not following, the rest of the world,” said Andy Kunz, president and chief executive of the U.S. High Speed Rail Assn.

There has been progress. Construction on the rail project is underway in the Central Valley along a 119-mile stretch, with plans to extend into Merced and Bakersfield. The project, which has supported more than 14,000 jobs, has been central to local communities’ plans to reinvigorate and expand business districts. The authority said its first obligation is to make this portion of the line operational between 2030 and 2033.

Earlier this year, the entire route from Los Angeles to San Francisco was environmentally cleared for construction after the board certified the final review of a crucial Palmdale-to-Burbank segment, which had faced pushback.

“More than $11 billion has been invested in the project, generating $18 billion in total economic benefit in disadvantaged Central Valley communities and statewide,” Annie Parker, the authority’s deputy director of communications, said in a statement. “The Authority remains committed and aggressive in moving this historic project forward while actively pursuing additional funding.”

Despite these steps, the project continues to face uncertainty. Ridership projections have dropped as interstate travel for business has decreased in the age of remote work. Some initial supporters of the project have lost interest. And a recurring grievance in board meetings is that there is far more money yet to be identified for the rail system than currently exists, even with help from the federal government.

Former CEO Brian Kelly, board members and advisors have repeatedly acknowledged a need for solutions.

The state-appointed high-speed rail peer review group that advises the authority has repeatedly cautioned officials to remedy the growing financial gap and consider a change of plans from the initial proposal in order to complete some aspect of the project.

“There are off-ramps here if somebody insists they be taken,” said Lou Thompson, the longtime chair of the board who recently retired.

The peer group has pointed out that not only has the project tripled in cost from what was originally proposed, it will take significantly more time to finish, won’t meet trip times and will carry fewer passengers, falling short of promises made to voters.

The group has recommended the authority examine its justification for continuing to fund the project and consider revisions to the scope.

Marc Joffe, a visiting fellow with the California Policy Center, said that one possibility would be to complete the initial 119-mile section of the track, from Madera to Shafter, then connect it with existing Amtrak service.

“Completing the line without connecting it strikes me as useless. How is anyone going to get to the train?” he said, adding that another option would be to use the 119-mile right of way “as a trail for hikers, bikers, and those using e-bikes and scooters.”

Joffe said that the project — whether it continues with its current plans or is revised in light of its funding insecurity — is not the same proposal that Californians voted on more than 15 years ago.

William Ibbs, a civil engineering expert and incoming chair of the peer group, said the potential funding cut will only add to the rail difficulty.

“I do expect that given the new administration and given our overall fiscal situation at the government level that there’s going to be some belt tightening and some redirection of funding and priorities,” Ibbs said. “They really didn’t have a steady stream of funding as it was. This is just going to make it even more challenging.”

Ethan Elkind, a rail expert and director of the climate program at UC Berkeley Law’s Center for Law, Energy and the Environment, said that the project’s success has significantly depended on the state.

“There’s a bias against funding rail at the federal level compared to highways. California is basically doing it itself,” Elkind said, adding that permitting for the project occurs at the state and local level, limiting federal interference on the project.

“It’s just about getting the dollars to finish it,” he said.

That lack of financial security has always been a problem, Thompson said — a sentiment that even authority leaders have agreed with.

“If you have a dream, first of all, make sure you’ve vetted it properly. … Be sure you’ve got the money before you get started. Because once you get started, if you don’t have the money, you’re in trouble immediately,” he said.

“And that’s exactly what happened.”

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More evidence that RFK Jr. would be a disastrous health secretary

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Polio came for 5-year-old Lynn Lane when she was visiting her grandmother in rural Indiana. Suddenly, her arms and legs became weak, and by the time she got to a hospital in Indianapolis, she was totally paralyzed and in respiratory failure. Lane spent the next several months in an iron lung.

“I don’t really remember too much about that,” Lane, now 73, told me Monday from her home north of Sacramento. “The only memories I really have are mainly at night. You could hear the swooshing of all the iron lungs.”

Lane’s family moved to Northern California a few years after her bout with polio, when she was 8. “That’s when I started noticing I was different than other kids,” she said. “I was in leg braces and had to learn to walk all over again.”

Her parents took her to Shriners Hospital in San Francisco, where she lived on and off for the next eight years.

“It was kind of like a boarding school, except with surgeries,” Lane said. “They did all these muscle and tendon transfers. I think I had maybe 15 to 18 surgeries. They transferred my quads from the front to the back so I could stand.”

In her early 40s, Lane was diagnosed with post-polio syndrome, which afflicts between 25% and 40% of childhood polio survivors. It is similar to chronic fatigue syndrome and can range from mild to debilitating.

“I’m not in a wheelchair yet,” said Lane, who uses leg braces and crutches, “but it’s heading that way.”

The idea that anyone would question the polio vaccine now, she said, “makes me nuts.”

Last week, the New York Times reported that in 2022, Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s attorney and close advisor Aaron Siri had petitioned the Food and Drug Administration to revoke approval of the polio vaccine in use for the last three decades until its safety can be studied further against an unvaccinated control group. Kennedy, President-elect Donald Trump’s pick for Health and Human Services secretary, is a longtime vaccine skeptic who spouts nonsense about the safety and efficacy of vaccines and a lot of other things. He is, in the view of many medical professionals, a danger to public health.

The Times’ report set off shock waves. Before Jonas Salk developed the first successful polio vaccine in the mid-1950s, the disease killed or paralyzed more than half a million people around the world each year. Many high-profile Americans who suffered from childhood polio, including Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell and the actor Mia Farrow, immediately condemned the questioning of the vaccine. Kennedy and Trump were forced to reassure Americans that they support the lifesaving treatment.

As Kennedy met with Republican senators to shore up support for his nomination this week, he told reporters that he is “all for” the polio vaccine. Trump, in his first post-election press conference, insisted, “You’re not going to lose the polio vaccine. It’s not going to happen.”

And yet Trump also persisted in promulgating the oft-debunked lie that childhood vaccines are linked to autism, vowing to “look into” the conspiracy theory. Kennedy, he said, will “come back with a report as to what he thinks. We’re going to find out a lot.”

This fear-mongering is unconscionable. We already know a lot. In fact, we know more than a lot.

The autism question has “been studied to death in some ways,” said Richard Pan, a pediatrician and former California state senator who led the successful 2015 campaign to eliminate a “personal belief” exemption from vaccine requirements for the state’s schoolchildren.

“Do we know what causes autism? Not yet,” Pan said. But, he added, we do know what does not cause autism: the measles, mumps and rubella vaccine, which was implicated in a long-since-discredited 1998 paper based on 12 cases by the defrocked English physician Andrew Wakefield.

“What will it take to convince Trump and RFK Jr. that a retracted 12-subject study with fake data was actually wrong?” asked Pan.

In any case, he added, blaming the vaccine is an “ableist” response to autism by some parents. “They don’t want to accept that their child is neurodivergent,” Pan said. “You want to say your child is broken and my life has been ruined and it’s the fault of Big Pharma or whoever.”

People who do not vaccinate their children, he said, are risking the health of the very people they are supposed to protect.

“You are playing with your children’s lives,” he said. “All of these adults have already been vaccinated.”

Although polio has essentially been eradicated in the U.S., it still exists in parts of the world and could certainly make a comeback here if enough people refuse to vaccinate their children. In 2022, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that an unvaccinated New York man had contracted polio. And earlier this year, amid Israel’s war on Hamas, a 10-month-old child in Gaza contracted the virus, confirming fears about the war’s potential effect on preventable childhood disease.

As for the Kennedy advisor’s petition, Pan said, how could we withhold a potentially lifesaving treatment from children in a control group to test the efficacy of a vaccine that has been used successfully for decades?

“Sometimes a trial cannot be done safely or ethically, “ he said. “Are you willing to volunteer your child into the control group?”

Bluesky: @rabcarian.bsky.social. Threads: @rabcarian

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Column: Citrus in December is a SoCal tradition. Enjoy it while you can

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Every December in Southern California, the days get shorter yet brighter — and it’s not Christmas lights or the shifting sun that make the region shine.

I’m talking about citrus.

Trees heavy with fruits that ripen through the color spectrum as winter progresses are as much a Southern California holiday tradition as tamales and the Rose Parade. Santa might not get you the present you want, but he’ll bring you oranges and lemons, as co-workers come into the office with bags of them or neighbors leave a few at your door. They’re tossed into our lunches for a quick snack, cooked down into marmalade, sliced to make garnishes for platters or cocktails and thrown at people’s heads — OK, maybe just my cousins did that growing up.

Seeing these bounties during the season of giving is especially poignant for me. My maternal grandfather was a teenage naranjero — an orange picker — during the 1920s in Anaheim, when custom and law required that Mexicans like him live on the poor side of town and attend segregated schools, even as the local economy depended on their labor. My paternal grandfather worked as a bracero during the 1950s in an orchard that was eventually cleared to become a factory where one set of cousins worked during the 1980s, then torn down for luxury condos where another set of cousins lived last decade.

That plot of land is within walking distance of the granny flat where I grew up. I have fond memories of walking with my dad on Saturday mornings to a nearby cannery, where we could buy big tin cans of freshly squeezed OJ still warm from being pasteurized. Today, in my small Santa Ana home, I tend to 11 citrus trees — some in the ground, some in pots. Citrus has turned from a symbol of exploitation for my grandfathers to a source of nutrition for my parents to a sign of the good life for me.

A bag of Valencia oranges

A bag of Valencia oranges rests next to a 1920s-era citrus sorting machine.

(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)

My wife and I grow the basics — massive Bearss lemons, Persian and Mexican limes, a kumquat bush that right now is so brimming with thumb-size orange jewels that it looks like a traffic cone. We also have rarities like Australian finger lime, which gives a pinkie-size fruit that you cut in half, squeezing tart pearls into your mouth. I especially love our calamansi, a mainstay of Filipino cooking that you eat whole for a tart, peppery pick-me-up.

I just picked my blood orange tree clean, and I’m weeks away from a bunch of egg-size Indio mandarinquats. But this harvest will also bring death, because there are two trees that I need to kill.

One is a Pixie tangerine that just never took and that I’m going to put out of its proverbial misery — it happens. The condemned tree it really hurts to lose is a seedless kishu, among the sweetest of citrus fruits. It was among the first trees we planted when we moved in a decade ago, and it faithfully gave its delicious crop for years.

But a few Decembers ago, its branches turned into spindly things where spikes grew instead of leaves. The kishus became bitter. I hoped it was an anomaly, but the same happened this season.

When I get rid of these trees, that’s it. I can’t plant replacements. I live in a quarantine zone established last decade by the California Department of Food and Agriculture to check the spread of citrus greening, a disease that starves trees to death and that scientists have spent decades fruitlessly (pun intended) trying to cure.

The quarantine zone covers large swaths of Los Angeles, Orange, San Diego, Riverside and San Bernardino counties and keeps growing. Just a few weeks ago, agriculture authorities pushed it south in O.C. from Lake Forest to the San Juan Capistrano border. Nurseries within the zone can’t sell citrus trees to the public, and people can’t bring in trees from elsewhere. Technically, we’re not even supposed to share backyard fruit with one another.

Two-thirds of the 9,300-plus documented cases of citrus greening in Southern California were in Orange County, according to state statistics. In 2018, I wrote about how I gladly let agricultural investigators onto my property to test for the disease. There were a couple of sickly looking specimens I figured had a date with an ax. Instead, the afflicted tree was the one I thought was my healthiest: a Thai lime that towered over my rose bushes and made the front of my house smell like a bowl of tom kha gai.

The gnarled fruit was nearly ready, and I futilely pleaded with state workers to give me just a few more weeks so I could pick it one final time. That wasn’t going to happen, and I didn’t fight their decision because I understood the severity of the disease. But my green thumb ached as workers sawed down the tree, took away everything — trunk, twigs, leaves, fruit, roots — in biohazard bags and tagged the remaining trees with a bill of clean health.

A man standing next to a tree

A California Department of Food and Agriculture worker looks for trees infected with Asian citrus psyllids in Hacienda Heights in 2012.

(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)

Citrus greening isn’t the first time Southern California citrus has faced an apocalypse. In the 1950s, another terminal disease called quick decline — also known as la tristeza, or “the sadness” — prompted farmers to bulldoze thousands of acres of orchards to make way for tract housing. Boosters nevertheless clung to citrus and its markers — the smell of orange blossoms, the crate labels with idyllic scenes of Old California — as proof of our subtropical paradise. Suburbanites joined the cult by planting citrus trees at their new homes. The Department of Food and Agriculture estimates more than half of California private residences have at least one.

The sight of my dying trees in the midst of flourishing ones is a reminder that we should treat citrus not as a metaphor for the California Dream but rather the fragility of it. Dangers loom all around us — climate change, the return of Donald Trump, precarious water sources. Even our backyard oranges aren’t safe.

Here for decades, gone in a season — and there’s little we can do except tend to what we have while we have it. Enjoy your harvest while you can.

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Three dead girls and a man on death row. Did lies put him there?

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One by one, in the summer of 1984, teenage girls vanished off the streets of this historic town in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada.

Denise Galston disappeared first. She was a skinny 14-year-old with a shy smile and trusting disposition despite a childhood marred by abuse.

Next to go was Lynda Burrill,18, who had been bullied in high school but was re-inventing herself. She had just moved out of her parents’ wooded home and into a shared house within walking distance to Main Street, which was as much of a party scene as this place had.

The last to vanish was Denise’s sister Debbie (they were two of triplets), who went to a birthday party one night in August and never came home.

Most people figured the girls had run off.

Then their decayed remains began to turn up in the dense national forest that surrounds Placerville, dumped behind rocks or deep in ravines veiled by towering pines.

By the time the third body was discovered that fall, the town was in turmoil. In an era of satanic panic, rumors of a murderous devil-worshiping cult were rampant.

Vengeance and justice have long been intertwined in this Gold Rush outpost, nicknamed Hangtown for its vigilante heritage, and the idea that its daughters were unsafe did not sit well. El Dorado County sheriff’s detectives were under pressure to solve the crimes before more girls went missing. Faced with that urgency, officials took a series of actions that would leave the question of justice elusive for decades to come.

Authorities focused on two troubled kids they suspected knew more than they were saying, according to police reports. Joanna Napoletano and Darlene Sindle had lived with the Galston triplets in a local foster home, and were known to run with a rowdy crowd. Police pressed these girls for months, according to court records, insisting that they knew who was responsible for the killings and may even have been involved. Both denied it.

The former foster home where Debbie and Denise Galston lived in Placerville.

The site of a former foster care home in Placerville where Denise and Debbie Galston, Joanna Napoletano and Darlene Sindle lived in the summer of 1984.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

Then, as winter closed in, after multiple interrogations deploying aggressive tactics, detectives finally drew new stories from the girls, ones that enabled police to make an arrest. Combined, their accounts now told the tale of a creepy loner, Michael Anthony Cox, who allegedly disliked girls he judged to be promiscuous — enough to kill them.

In the summer of 1985, almost exactly a year after the girls began disappearing, Cox was convicted of first-degree murder in all three killings. He was sentenced to death after a trial that provided no physical evidence linking him to the crimes, but relied on the testimony of Napoletano and Sindle, according to court records. Cox was packed off to prison, with a death sentence that hangs over him still.

Contacted by Times reporters in 2024, Napoletano and Sindle said police pressured, manipulated and deceived them when they were teens, leading them to concoct stories about Cox that were not true. Now middle-aged, both women say that they were malleable girls who came up with accounts they thought authorities wanted to hear, to protect themselves and convict a man who detectives seemed certain was guilty.

In the years since, Napoletano and Sindle have told authorities that they lied.

Both have recanted and said under oath that they gave false testimony on the witness stand. Still, four decades after his conviction, Cox remains incarcerated and maintains his innocence. Though his appeals remain open, the last court filing was in 2020.

Over the past year, The Times has dug into the case as part of a broader review of widely used police interrogation methods that critics — including some conservative leaders inside the law enforcement community and social justice advocates seeking reform — say can lead to false confessions and fabricated testimony.

Reporters have read through thousands of pages of police reports, interrogation transcripts and court records in the Cox case. They also interviewed Napoletano, Sindle and dozens of others who were living in Placerville at the time of the crimes or involved in the investigation and subsequent legal appeals. The Times found that the official record is riddled with discrepancies and contradictions that have further complicated the case.

Many of those involved in the Cox investigation, including the lead detectives and prosecutor, have died. Cox did not respond to multiple requests for interviews.

But earlier this year, El Dorado County Dist. Atty. Vern Pierson said he would reexamine the Cox case after Times reporters informed him they were looking into the interrogation methods used to elicit the women’s since-recanted stories.

El Dorado County Dist. Atty. Vern Pierson sits at his desk, an American flag behind him.

El Dorado County Dist. Atty. Vern Pierson has become a leading critic of commonly used police interrogation tactics he believes can lead to false confessions.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

In recent years, Pierson has become convinced that a coercive interrogation technique common among U.S. law enforcement agencies can lead to wrongful convictions, and has championed new models of questioning. Earlier this year, after another Times investigation, Pierson posthumously exonerated a woman who had falsely confessed to murder in another gruesome 1980s killing in the same Sierra foothills town, a case that involved one of the same investigators. His office tracked down and convicted the real killer in that case, identified through DNA.

In the case of their friends’ deaths, Napoletano and Sindle said they are frustrated that no one believed them when they said at the start that they knew nothing about the crimes, and they worry that the truth may never be known.

“If Mike did it, then let’s get that real proof. Because me telling a story when I was, you know, 16 years old, isn’t proof,” Napoletano said. “It’s not proof.”

Part One: Bad blood

The Bell Tower on Placerville's Main Street.

The Bell Tower on Placerville’s Main Street was a beacon for local teens in the 1980s, a place they would meet to plan that night’s adventures.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

The Bell Tower on Placerville’s Main Street was built in 1856 after a fire swept through the commercial district. Its namesake bell, changed out for a siren in the 1920s, was meant to avoid such calamities in the future. By the 1980s, when more modern methods of summoning help had supplanted its usefulness, the tower remained as a beacon for bored teenagers.

They would meet there to plan adventures. Just across from the Bell Tower was a video game arcade called The Oz, where hits by Prince and Madonna battled with the waka-waka sounds of PacMan.

It was near The Oz in January 1984 that Darlene Sindle, then 16, first spotted Michael Cox, a skinny 27-year-old with intense green eyes and short dark hair. In this insular community, it wasn’t uncommon for adult men, or at least a certain kind of man, to be hanging out in a spot frequented by giddy young girls.

Sindle, less than 5 feet tall with curly blond hair, was born with a birth defect, toes that were partly fused together, giving her feet a webbed appearance. She had also had been diagnosed with developmental delays.

Sindle had been placed in foster care, according to court records, after she accused her stepfather of sexually abusing her. (Later he would be convicted on charges of misdemeanor abuse, but he served no jail time.) She went to live with Nona Chapman in a ramshackle house by a freeway overpass. Chapman had a sickly husband and took in foster girls to help pay the bills.

An undated photo of Darlene Sindle.

An undated photo of Darlene Sindle.

(Courtesy of Darlene Sindle)

The girls mostly came and went as they pleased, Sindle and Napoletano said in interviews. They routinely drank, did drugs and smoked cigarettes — Marlboros when they could get them.

Within weeks of meeting, Sindle and Cox were an inseparable couple, even though he was more than 10 years her senior and had recently divorced his second wife, with whom he had two kids.

Sindle remembers liking that Cox had a job at the local convalescent hospital and a Chevy Monte Carlo, which he often slept in, parking it at a nearby church. He took her out to eat, home to meet his mother, camping in the woods and seemed like someone who could protect her, she said.

“I felt safe with him when I first met him,” Sindle said. “I felt comfortable.”

Cox understood hard upbringings. When he was about 6, he ingested gasoline, leaving him with seizures that for years had to be treated with phenobarbital. He was poor enough that he came to school in winter without a jacket, a former teacher would testify at his trial, and often was hungry enough that he devoured the snacks she gave him.

At trial, two of his siblings and a psychiatrist testified that Cox probably had been sexually and physically abused by his stepfather. His mother was hospitalized multiple times for alcohol use and attempted suicide, and it was often her children who called for help.

Michael Anthony Cox sits alone at a courtroom table.

Michael Anthony Cox attends a legal proceeding in his murder case.

(Mountain Democrat)

By May 1984, two of the Galston sisters — Denise and Debbie — had joined Sindle at the foster home. Also living at the house was Napoletano, then 16. By the time she got there, she told The Times, she had already been in 27 foster homes across three states and had acquired a drinking habit and a propensity for lying. She, too, said she had been abused.

Napoletano recalled that she and the Galston sisters were not always kind to Sindle, whom they thought could be slow and strange. Their discomfort extended to Cox, whom Napoletano found sinister. She said that Sindle told her Cox pressured her into certain sexual acts.

“I mean, none of us, we didn’t like Darlene,” Napoletano said. “To be honest, we were all kind of abusive to Darlene and to him both.”

Part Two: The missing

The last time friends saw Denise Galston, she was at a “wandering party” on June 12, a Tuesday night, moving from location to location in downtown Placerville. She never came home.

By the time authorities started asking questions days later, memories of partygoers were hazy. Though only 14, Denise had that summer become a common enough sight at wild parties that her comings and goings were of little notice. And besides, it was not a crowd that cooperated with cops.

With dark blond hair and hazel eyes, Denise had a youthful beauty and hid her tough circumstances under a devil-may-care attitude. Though identical to her sister Debbie (their third sister took after their mother), she was more of a tomboy and trusting enough that walking alone through the semi-rural streets, with no sidewalks or streetlights, might not have have seemed dangerous.

Lynda Burrill didn’t run in the same crowd as the Galstons. She was older, with light brown eyes and freckles, and living with friends.

But she, too, hung out at the Bell Tower and The Oz. Sheralyn Young was Burrill’s roommate; Young later told police that on the Friday night Burrill disappeared, she had seen her walking toward a parking garage with Cox, and Burrill had said she’d be right back.

Like Denise Galston, she never returned.

Main Street in downtown Placerville.

Main Street in downtown Placerville.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

Young called Burrill’s father, Donald Burrill, to ask if she had come home. Alarmed, he called police and reported that his daughter had disappeared and was last seen with Cox.

On July 20, with Lynda Burrill still missing, detectives went to talk to Cox, according to police reports.

Do you know this girl? Det. William White asked, showing Cox a photo of Burrill.

Maybe, Cox answered. Sindle, his girlfriend, knew her better. Well, White asked, were you with her on June 29, as her father has said? Maybe, Cox answered. He might have seen her at The Oz, but then again, maybe not.

Police let it go. The disappearance of the two girls caused barely a ripple in the larger fabric of life in Placerville that summer. Until the bodies started turning up.

Baltic Ridge Road in Eldorado National Forest near where Debbie Galston's remains were found

Baltic Ridge Road in Eldorado National Forest near where Debbie Galston’s remains were found.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

On July 31, two loggers cutting trees in Eldorado National Forest came across a human skull and other bones. There was no clothing found with the remains, and a pathologist was unable to determine how long the bones had been there.

Four days later, a married couple camping in the area stumbled across another set of remains. Once again, the pathologist could not determine cause of death.

This attracted interest from the Sheriff’s Department. One of its top homicide detectives, Sgt. Bill Wilson, was assigned to the case.

Wilson graduated from El Dorado High and, after a stint in the Marines, joined the Sheriff’s Department in 1964 at the age of 23. By the summer of 1984, he was one of the department’s stars.

On Aug. 4, Wilson and his partner, Officer Erol Harnage, drove out to Ferrari Mill Road in the forest near where both sets of remains had been found. They canvassed the area but found no physical evidence. No weapons. No signs of struggle.

Then another girl disappeared.

On the night of Aug. 8, almost two months after her sister went missing, Debbie Galston went to a birthday party. About 8:30 p.m, according to police reports, Debbie announced that she had to return home and set off on foot.

She never made it. Napoletano and her new boyfriend eventually went looking for her.

Just before they left the foster home on their search, Napoletano later told police, Sindle looked her straight in the face and said Debbie wouldn’t be coming back.

A day went by. Then another. Napoletano was fearful and despondent. To cheer her up, she later told police, the new boyfriend proposed a picnic. On Aug. 10, two days after Debbie had disappeared, Napoletano, the boyfriend and his dog climbed into his grandparents’ truck and set off for a spot tucked in the mountains above a clear blue lake.

A creek in Eldorado National Forest where Debbie Galston's clothes were found.

A creek beneath North South Road in Eldorado National Forest where Debbie Galston’s clothes were found tied to rocks and bushes.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

At around the halfway point of their drive, near the Camp Creek Bridge, she recounted to police, the boyfriend announced that the dog needed water. He and the dog walked down to the creek. Napoletano got out to take in the view. Then she started to scream.

In the rushing stream down below, she recognized her own clothing. Her turquoise pants. Her beloved polka-dot top. She told police she had lent this outfit to Debbie Galston to wear to the birthday party nights earlier.

The clothes, along with Debbie’s shoes, had been tied to rocks and bushes right below the bridge.

As if, this time, someone wanted them found.

Part Three: The bodies

Napoletano told police she was sure something horrible had happened to Debbie, just as she was now sure something had happened to Denise.

But detectives didn’t believe the story she and her boyfriend were telling, according to court records. Officers brought them back to the bridge after they turned in the clothes. “We’re not going home until you can tell us the truth,” one of the officers said.

Napoletano swore she knew nothing else. The couple said it was a coincidence they had stopped at the exact place the clothes had been left.

But things only got more complicated.

According to police reports, when Napoletano returned to the foster home and told Sindle what she had discovered, Sindle said that she and Cox had recently gone camping in the same place where the clothes had been found.

Within hours, Sindle seemed to have a mental breakdown, according to accounts relayed in police reports: On the night of Aug. 11, she was wandering around the foster home talking about “guts.” Later, she picked up a knife and started chanting. The foster mother called the police.

Officer Phillip Dannaker arrived and tried to make sense of Sindle’s ramblings. “I see Denise being strangled and Debbie having her head bashed in,” she told the officer.

Dannaker asked Sindle if her boyfriend might have had something to do with the missing girls. “I don’t know,” Sindle answered. “He might have. I have these feelings. That’s all I know.”

A densely wooded area of Eldorado National Forest where the remains of two girls were found in 1984.

The remains of Denise Galston and Lynda Burrill were found in a densely wooded area off Ferrari Mill Road in Eldorado National Forest.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

Police knew something the girls didn’t: Days earlier, the coroner had used dental records to identify one of the skulls found off Ferrari Mill Road. Investigators suspected it belonged to Denise Galston.

After speaking with Sindle, Dannekar sought out Cox and found him asleep in his car, according to police reports. Dannekar woke Cox and searched the vehicle. Among the things he found were a loaded .357 Smith and Wesson revolver; a loaded Ruger rifle; a .380-caliber Armi Tanfoglio semi-automatic pistol; handcuffs; and a knife.

Cox told officers the weapons were for protection, but beyond that had little to say. “I don’t have anything to do with the girls … period,” he told officers.

Sindle, meanwhile, came even more unglued.

On Aug. 14, according to police reports, Chapman found Sindle maniacally chopping up a piece of binder paper with scissors. Chapman told her to put the scissors down. Sindle complied, but then took out a knife and began jabbing at a second piece of paper.

“What’s the matter? Are you afraid I’ll stab you?” she asked Chapman. Sindle was taken to a psychiatric facility for evaluation.

While she was there, the coroner identified the other remains that had been found in the forest as Lynda Burrill.

Detectives blanketed The Oz and other areas where teens hung out, asking them about the missing girls and about Cox.

Rumors, already simmering, started to boil. Cox had a reputation for yelling slurs at girls out of the window of his Chevy, an unsavory fact that ballooned into motive in speculative conversations.

On Aug. 31, Sgt. Wilson went to El Dorado Convalescent Hospital and tried to talk to Cox again, but he refused to speak without an attorney.

Detectives instead turned to Sindle, who had been released from the psychiatric facility and returned to her family’s trailer with her mother and stepfather.

But Sindle offered nothing, and in early September, she married Cox in a civil ceremony in Nevada.

“He was a very caring man and that’s what I needed from him,” Sindle said recently of Cox. “He always watched out for me.”

Detectives went back to Napoletano. According to trial testimony, they had hooked her up to a polygraph machine and blitzed her with questions after she found the clothes. The polygraph examiner had found Napoletano’s answers “inconclusive,” according to later court filings.

But Napoletano said that wasn’t her understanding. Instead, she recalls being told that she had failed the test and that they now had proof she was lying. During Cox’s trial, the prosecutor would at one point offer to stipulate that she had failed the polygraph, one of many discrepancies in the court record.

Napoletano remembers feeling grief-stricken and terrified. In late August, she left California and went to Washington state, where she had a brother.

It was a brief respite.

Around noon on Saturday, Oct. 27, two hunters stalking deer stumbled upon skeletal remains a few miles from where the other two sets of bones had been found. Within 48 hours, medical authorities confirmed they belonged to Debbie Galston.

Detectives now had a triple homicide, and the pressure to make an arrest exploded.

Part Four: The witness

At this point, detectives had no physical evidence, no causes of death, no motive and no suspect besides Cox, police records show.

Wilson again sought out Napoletano, tracking her down in Washington.

Like many detectives of the era, Wilson used an interrogation technique that relied on creating a theory of the crime based on what they knew and what evidence they had, then grilling suspects — drawing on facts and fiction — until the suspects broke down and confessed.

While Sindle and Napoletano weren’t technically suspects, Wilson made it clear in his interrogations that in his version of the crime, they were at least witnesses and maybe even accomplices.

Napoletano told The Times that she started to wonder if Wilson might be right. Maybe she did know more than she thought. It was strange that she, of all people, had been the one to find Debbie Galston’s clothes, she remembers thinking.

But there were so many holes in her memory. She had been getting blackout drunk often. “I would wake up somewhere and not remember what I did the night before,” she said. “Not remember who I was with, or anything I did.”

Was there something, buried in her brain, that she had repressed?

She started to wonder if Wilson might be right. Maybe she did know more than she thought.

The polygraph she believed she had failed became a turning point for her. She returned from Washington, convinced that justice for her friends depended on her pulling a lost truth out of her consciousness.

“If you fail the polygraph, I must know something, right?” she remembers thinking. “So I came back feeling like I have to tell them something, but I don’t know what I know.”

And it was then, police reports and trial transcripts show, that Napoletano’s story started to shift. Yes, she told Wilson. She had held something back. On the night Denise Galston disappeared, she had seen Cox and Denise arguing.

Wilson offered a suggestion. Napoletano should meet with a psychologist who might be able to help her remember what else she knew.

At the end of October, Napoletano had the first of many sessions with a psychologist Wilson knew.

According to court testimony and interviews, they met in an office in the sheriff’s station. Under his guidance, according to police reports, Napoletano told him she was able to remember that not only had she seen Cox and Denise Galston arguing but that she and Denise had actually been together and gotten into Cox’s car.

More memories were returning as the meetings continued, according to police reports. Now, she recalled that after she and Denise got into Cox’s car, he drove them to Sly Park, a popular spot in the woods. She and Denise didn’t want to go, she said, but he had insisted. Once in the woods, Napoletano asked to be let out of the car to go to the bathroom, and hitchhiked back to Placerville.

In their next session, the psychologist and Wilson drove Napoletano out to Sly Park to have her locate the spot where the killing took place. When they got close to where Denise’s body had been dumped, Napoletano became so upset that they returned to the station, according to police reports.

Napoletano would say later, in interviews, that she was aware of the approximate location of the murder scene because it had been publicized in the local newspaper.

After days of hours-long meetings with the psychologist and detectives, Napoletano finally told a story that gave authorities ammunition to arrest Cox.

Napoletano said that on the night of June 12, she, Denise Galston and Cox had driven to the woods. She had gotten out of the car to go to the bathroom. She heard Denise scream her name. She claimed that she ran toward her friend, and saw that Denise was naked, running through the woods, with her hands bound behind her. Cox was chasing her. As Napoletano watched, Cox caught up to Denise, knocked her down, climbed on top of her and stabbed her, she alleged.

Napoletano told detectives she stumbled away without being caught, made her way to the road, and hitchhiked back to Placerville with a guy she knew only as “Joe.”

She had never spoken a word of what happened, she told the detectives. She had been too traumatized.

On Nov. 10, police arrested Cox for the murders of the Galston sisters and Lynda Burrill.

At his arraignment, Cox pleaded not guilty, and told his weeping mother not to worry.

Part Five: The confirmation

A flag waves in front of the stately El Dorado County courthouse in Placerville.

Michael Cox’s murder trial was moved from the El Dorado County courthouse in Placerville, shown above, to South Lake Tahoe, amid concerns about juror bias.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

Despite the arrest, the case against Cox had weaknesses.

Napoletano’s story didn’t offer a motive for the killings. Police still had no physical evidence linking Cox to the crimes, despite searching his car and testing his weapons. And Napoletano had a documented history of both lying and problem drinking.

Detectives turned their attention back to Sindle, police reports and interview transcripts show, pushing her to offer up any detail that could back Napoletano’s new tale.

On Nov. 9, two days after Napoletano allegedly recovered her memory, Sindle’s mother and stepfather brought her into the sheriff’s station at the request of investigators.

Her short-lived marriage to Cox had dissolved just days before, after only two months. According to trial testimony, Cox had taken up with another woman. Sindle denied that to The Times, instead claiming she felt pressured into an annulment by her parents and police.

Wilson and Harnage peppered her with their theory of the crime, transcripts in court records show. Harnage told her that she was “the last piece of the jigsaw puzzle,” and minimized what could happen to Cox.

“You can help us get — get Mike help,” Harnage told her, according to excerpts of the interrogation included in court records. “We’re, we’re not askin’ you to, ah, send him away for life. We’re askin’ — we’re askin’ you to — get him some help.”

Harnage pushed Sindle to “try to remember.”

“It’s in there, Darlene. All you have to do is bring it out,” he said. “Something bad has happened with you. What did you see?”

Detectives sent Sindle into another room to talk with Napoletano. According to her testimony in court records, police had told Napoletano, falsely, that webbed footprints had been found at one of the crime scenes, footprints that could have been left by Sindle’s webbed feet.

That left Napoletano thinking Sindle knew more than she was saying. She pressured Sindle, asking her why, on the night that Denise Galston disappeared, Sindle had said, “It was gonna be all over, and [Cox] would be arrested.”

After talking to Napoletano, Sindle began to change her story.

Now, she said that the week before the girls started vanishing, Cox had said, “they were whores and tramps and should be eliminated,” and added that he “would kill three from the foster home and three afterward outside of the foster home,” according to a police report.

But Sindle still claimed to have no details about the murders themselves.

“I didn’t see anything,” Sindle told them. “I don’t know nothin’.”

On Dec. 4, police had another go, this time with a threat. Wilson visited Sindle at her parents’ trailer and warned that she could be prosecuted for withholding information, according to court records. Unless she told them something that could help them, she could be arrested.

Harnage told her that she was “the last piece of the jigsaw puzzle.”

However, if she helped, they could protect her. They offered her financial assistance from the county, telling her she could use the money to buy clothes or get her hair done. Wilson told Sindle that authorities were offering her immunity, according to interview transcripts. “Don’t be scared about going to jail,” he said.

Wilson told her that, like Napoletano, her true memories were buried.

“It was very shocking to you that he told you what he did. And so you just kinda blocked it out of your mind,” Wilson said. “You’re afraid to tell us exactly what conversation you and Mike had.”

Sindle’s story morphed further and started to fit the theory police had been pressing.

Cox, she now alleged, “told me that he did kill Denise.” She told police that he told her this “before he got hold of Debbie.”

Then, she said it was actually “a day after Debbie disappeared,” and that Cox told her he had been paid a few hundred dollars to murder the girls. Echoing rumors sweeping through town, she said the murders had something to do with a cult of devil worshipers.

“He was paid to do it,” Sindle said. “He was paid, um, to kill them — to have revenge on them. Some of the underground people told him to do it.”

She eventually said that on the day Debbie Galston disappeared, she and Cox had been cleaning his car when she found a unicorn key chain that belonged to Debbie. She said Cox confided that he had killed Denise and had intended to kill Napoletano, but that she had run away after he allowed her out of the car to go to the bathroom.

Sindle also claimed that Cox told her he had killed Debbie Galston and Lynda Burrill. She said Cox told her he had bound and raped the girls before stabbing them.

Though the story contradicted Napoletano’s in places and raised a whole new specter of satanic cults hiring contract killers, it was enough for the detectives.

They had their second witness.

Part Six: Case closed

The trial began six months later, moved to South Lake Tahoe over fears a Placerville jury would not be fair.

Cox’s public defender, Pat Forester, chose not to make an opening statement, according to the local paper. Cox did not take the stand.

Prosecutors presented weeks of testimony.

Ron Tepper, the county prosecutor, initially offered one piece of physical evidence. In April, a man scouting for wood had come across a man’s black-and-orange jacket covering a pile of girl’s clothes. They belonged to Denise Galston, and Cox’s mom thought the jacket looked like one he owned. This seemed like the nail in the coffin for Cox: proof he had been at the crime scene with Denise.

The jacket was important because Tepper’s theory of the crime was largely circumstantial.

Cox, Tepper argued to jurors, had possibly forced the girls into his car using a weapon, then drove them to the woods before killing them. The motive? Cox hated girls he considered “sluts, whores and scum,” Tepper said.

“Michael Cox was a judgmental person, who would single out young women and label them,” Tepper told the jury.

Tepper called girls and women to the stand to confirm that Cox had yelled slurs out the window of his car, or on the street.

Lisa Delashaw-Silveira was one of those witnesses. She knew the Galston sisters and often walked into town with them, or smoked Marlboros by the train tracks, she said in a recent interview. During the trial, she said, she was in juvenile hall on what she recalls as a truancy charge when investigators visited to tell her she needed to get in their car and drive to the courtroom in South Lake Tahoe.

“I do remember them telling me that if I didn’t do it I was going to get in more trouble and stay in juvenile hall longer,” she said. “Why would you even need me to say what I said? When I was that age, I didn’t know what I was doing. I was just doing what I was told.”

Most damning for Cox was the testimony of Linda Crespin, a friend who said she had seen Cox with a scratch, similar to fingernail marks, on his forehead after Burrill disappeared, and that Cox told her girls like Burrill should be “eliminated.”

Tepper called dozens of people to testify. Scientists opined on soil and water conditions where the bones were found. Medical examiners detailed their condition. The hunters who found them described their surprise.

But the most compelling testimony came from the two teenage girls.

When Sindle took the stand, she barely peered above the microphone because she was so small. Since becoming a witness for the prosecution, the county had been paying for her to live at a hotel. Each day, she’d walk over to a nearby diner to eat, where she had fallen for one of the servers and gotten pregnant.

Her testimony did not go well.

She stumbled over facts and mixed up names. She testified, for example, that Cox never wanted to have anything to do with Debbie Galston. Then she said Cox routinely gave Debbie rides. She did not, however, repeat her claims about contract killers or satanic cults, and the prosecutor did not ask her about these things.

When asked crucial questions, her answer often was, “I don’t remember.”

“Did Michael tell you why he had done these things to these three girls?” the prosecutor asked.

“Yes,” Sindle said

Well, the prosecutor asked, what had he said?

“I can’t remember,” she answered.

When Sindle took the stand, she barely peered abovethe microphone becauseshe was so small.

Napoletano had credibility issues as well. She told the jury about the night Denise Galston disappeared in June, but this version was different from what police had recorded her saying the previous November — enough so that Cox’s defense attorney played that recording to highlight the inconsistencies. She added that she had drunk a pint of rum and a six-pack of beer that night.

Meanwhile, the only piece of physical evidence linking Cox to the crime — the black- and-orange jacket — was discredited.

In a dramatic courtroom moment, an acquaintance of the young women revealed while on the stand that the jacket was his, and he had lent it to Denise the night she vanished.

The revelation raised questions about Napoletano’s testimony. In all her vivid recollections about Denise’s appearance on the night of the murder, she had never mentioned that her friend was wearing a black jacket.

In an interview about the case given to investigators years later during Cox’s appeals process, Wilson said that this blow left the prosecutor “going ballistic.” He had to quickly find a way to bolster Napoletano’s testimony.

Wilson picked Napoletano up on a Saturday morning and demanded that she direct him to the crime scene. Though she had gotten close in the past, Napoletano had never succeeded in leading detectives to the exact spot, according to court records and Times interviews.

This time, she navigated them to within yards of where Denise’s body had been found. Back in court, Wilson told jurors that Napoletano had led him there from memory.

Napoletano would testify later, as part of her recantation, that she found the site based not on memory but on instinct: By then, she said, she knew Wilson well enough to read his body language. When she directed him the wrong way, she said, he became visibly upset.

The prosecutor seemed to recognize Napoletano’s testimony was questionable, dismissing its importance in his closing arguments: If Napoletano “never came here and never said one word, between the testimony of Darlene and the other witnesses there is a fabric, there is a thread that goes through the case, and it weaves together with an absolute and compelling certainty,” he told jurors.

The jury returned a guilty verdict, and later a sentence of death.

Napoletano came home from court and made another confession, according to appellate court records: She told her new boyfriend that the testimony she had given in court was a lie.

Part Seven: Regret

Darlene Sindle, her white hair pulled back, sits in a chair outside, gazing at the sky.

“I just came up with a fabricated story so they would leave me alone,” Darlene Sindle now says of her testimony. “Michael never did any of this, and I’m going to take that to my deathbed.”

(Angela Pittman / For The Times)

After achieving a conviction in a brutal triple homicide that had terrorized his mountain town, Sgt. Wilson did an unusual thing: He invited Napoletano to move into his home.

According to testimony during the appeals process, Wilson and his wife felt sorry for Napoletano, who had endured so much.

Napoletano told The Times that she had felt grateful to Wilson. He brought her into a comfortable middle-class house that felt stable. Wilson’s stepkids called her their “foster sister.” When she got married in 1987, it was Wilson who walked her down the aisle.

But outside of the detective’s earshot, Napoletano was continuing to tell a story he likely would have been very unhappy to hear. The story was that she had lied on the witness stand so Wilson and county prosecutors could score a conviction against Cox.

When she got married, she confided it to her new husband, his mother and his sister, according to their testimony.

By 1990, Napoletano’s marriage was ending, and she was in a custody battle with her soon-to-be ex-husband.

He, her mother-in-law and another friend, in an attempt to bolster the husband’s custody case, filed legal declarations saying that Napoletano was a liar, citing her false testimony in the Cox case. She had told them that not only had she not witnessed Denise’s murder, but that she had spent most of the night in question passed out drunk in a park, according to court records.

This might have remained a simple domestic matter. But Cox’s state-appointed legal team, now working on his appeal, found out about it. After a defense investigator located Napoletano and confronted her in 1990, Napoletano told The Times, she felt both guilt and trepidation, fearing she could lose her children. She said she decided to take responsibility for her lies in the Cox matter, and hired an attorney to formally recant.

In California, all death penalty cases go through an automatic appeals process, and Cox’s attorneys, a team from the state public defender’s office, were protesting his conviction on multiple grounds. The state Supreme Court had appointed a retired judge, Bill Dozier, to act as a referee, basically investigating and summarizing the case for their review.

In the spring of 1994, Napoletano walked into Dozier’s courtroom and said that she had lied during the Cox trial.

“At that time in my life, it was not uncommon for me to tell lies,” she testified. “And I think my motive was partly to get everybody off my back.”

Speaking to Times reporters, Napoletano said that at the time of the murders, she believed Cox was guilty and that she had a responsibility to her friends to see him punished. She said she felt pressure, from authorities and her conscience, to help convict him, believing that if she didn’t testify, he might go free.

The state public defenders also tracked down Sindle.

Sindle again said the murders were part of a satanic ritual and added more details. She claimed that she, Napoletano and Cox were together on the night Debbie Galston was murdered. She said Cox drove them to a campsite. Once there, she said, Napoletano and Debbie had sex, and then Cox tied Debbie to an altar and nine men had sex with her. Then Cox cut her open with a knife, pulled out a fetus, and everyone ate the fetus. She said they killed Debbie and drank her blood.

Sindle signed a declaration memorializing all this. But more than a year later, she recanted that version, too, saying it was likely a dream.

She reverted to her original story, given shortly after the girls disappeared: She had no first-hand knowledge about the murders or Cox’s involvement.

Sindle, now 56, told The Times she lied as a teen because she was scared.

“I just came up with a fabricated story so they would leave me alone,” she said. “Michael never did any of this, and I’m going to take that to my deathbed.”

The women’s recantations became part of the legal review process. Dozier examined court transcripts and the crime scene, and reinterviewed witnesses. During that process, investigators for Cox spoke with Wilson, who defended his investigation, saying that “his gut reaction was that more than one person was involved in the murders,” and that “Darlene knew more than she was saying.”

When it came to Napoletano, Wilson said she was “truthful but may have embellished some ‘factual matters.’”

It took years, and upon completion, Dozier’s report spanned more than 1,000 pages.

In it, Dozier concluded that beyond lying, Sindle’s testimony had been coerced, and that “many manipulations of [her] during the interrogation process” led her to fabricate a story.

Dozier argued, however, that Sindle had been so befuddled and contradictory on the stand that the jury likely didn’t believe her anyway, rendering it moot that her testimony was both false and given under duress.

When it came to Napoletano, Dozier parsed her various versions of events, deciding some were true, others false. He concluded that she had been truthful when she said she had seen Cox kill Denise Galston, but then lied about hitchhiking back to town. He also concluded her later recantation of her full testimony was a lie, prompted by the circumstances of her custody dispute.

Notably, Dozier, who died in 2015, argued the exact opposite of what the trial prosecutor had claimed — concluding that Napoletano’s testimony was more reliable than Sindle’s.

When the state Supreme Court issued its ruling in 2003, the majority of the court agreed with his reasoning. “In general, Darlene’s credibility at trial was doubtful,” a majority of the justices said in their ruling upholding conviction.

They also cited Dozier’s finding that Napoletano was “a chronic liar,” but agreed with him that she likely had witnessed Denise Galston’s killing.

Ultimately, they determined that although both Napoletano and Sindle had lied, at least in part, it had made no material difference to Cox’s conviction.

In a dissenting opinion, Justice Joyce Kennard rejected the assertion that there wasn’t good reason to question Cox’s conviction.

“I would not send petitioner to his death on such flimsy evidence,” she wrote.

The ruling all but ended Cox’s chance at a new trial.

Part Eight: The quest

Lisette Suder stands in front of boxes filled with files in the Michael Cox case.

El Dorado County Assistant Dist. Atty. Lisette Suder stands in front of boxes filled with files from the Michael Cox case.

(Max Whittaker / For The Times)

Pierson, the current El Dorado County district attorney, said in December that he and Assistant Dist. Atty. Lisette Suder are still reviewing the case. His office is examining records and searching for any items that could be tested for DNA.

“The evidence is, I hate to say, it’s not enough for us,” Pierson said. “The questions [about the case] are sufficient that we are putting time and effort into ensuring that it’s properly investigated.”

Sharon Burrill, Lynda’s mother, is in her 80s and lives in a nursing home. Her husband passed away, and thoughts of her daughter, now gone longer than she lived, center on the milestones they never shared.

“I wasn’t able to see her grow up, have children, find a nice man,” she said.

The third Galston triplet, who asked not to be named to protect her privacy, worries that the grisly circumstances of the murders of her beloved sisters have overshadowed their short lives. She wants people to remember them not for how they died, but for how they lived: chasing blue-bellied lizards in the backyard; eating turnips from the garden when food ran out; gold panning and camping and fishing together, inseparable.

She said Denise was a social butterfly who wrote poems and loved school. Debbie hated school and dreamed of being a model. Her sisters, with their identical looks, would prank teachers by switching places. Both of them were smart; all three were desperate for a sense of happiness and stability that never materialized.

“We were just kids that nobody wanted, trying to find our way in life,” said the third triplet. “Trying to find who we belong to.”

Darlene Sindle tends to plants at her home in western Oregon.

Darlene Sindle says she thought Michael Cox would be released from prison after she recanted her testimony. “I ruined his life,” she says.

(Angela Pittman / For The Times)

Sindle now lives in the deep woods along the Oregon coast and has recently married again, though her health is failing.

She was unaware that Cox remained in prison until contacted by Times reporters, and said she thought that her recantation three decades ago would have helped him seek release.

“I ruined his life,” she said. “He don’t need to be in there being punished for something he didn’t do.”

Napoletano is less sure. She still lives in California, but she bears little resemblance to the troubled teenager of her young years.

Now in her 50s, she is a devout Christian who has replaced the fractured family of her childhood with a strong bond with her own children and grandchildren. She believes that Cox may be guilty, but said she is troubled that her false testimony was so crucial to the conviction.

A June 2007 photo of Michael Cox at San Quentin State Prison.

A June 2007 photo of Michael Cox at San Quentin State Prison.

(California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation )

“Nobody believed the truth,” she said. “That’s the part that really bothers me.”

Napoletano wonders what would have happened if detectives hadn’t pressured her for information she said she never had. Maybe, she said, she wouldn’t be left with this horrible feeling of confusion and uncertainty.

She concedes that, after 40 years, her memories are now hazy and unreliable, but she said that she knows that she lied at the time.

“I don’t know what the truth is about what really happened to my friends,” she said. “But I want the truth. You know, I want the truth for them.”

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San Diego politicians want to block Trump deportations. The sheriff refuses, sparking immigration battle

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A new immigration policy adopted by the San Diego County Board of Supervisors was supposed to stop jails from working with federal immigration officials, a move that would potentially hinder President-elect Donald Trump’s promise of mass deportations.

But the county is now locked in a standoff in what could be a preview of local immigration politics after Trump retakes office in January.

San Diego County Sheriff Kelly Martinez said her office won’t comply with the county’s policy and would continue to notify U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials when some people not authorized to be in the country are released from county jails.

“The Sheriff, as an independently elected official, sets the policy for the Sheriff’s Office,” the office said in a statement hours after the board approved the policy. “The Sheriff has the sole and exclusive authority to operate county jails.”

The stalemate comes as some California jurisdictions are bracing for Trump’s promise on deportations and adopting policies designed to protect immigrant communities. Some California officials, including Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta, said they are readying for legal fights against the incoming administration.

The clash between the majority of San Diego County’s Board of Supervisors and its sheriff also illustrates how — even in California, a sanctuary state — efforts to undermine the Trump administration’s deportation plans could face legal challenges, practical hurdles and clashes when local officials disagree.

Martinez and the majority of the supervisors are Democrats, but local law enforcement officials sometimes have pushed back against policies that would reduce their cooperation with federal law enforcement. In San Diego, it’s unclear how county officials and the Sheriff’s Office intend to go forward.

In a statement to The Times, Martinez reiterated her decision not to follow the board policy. She declined to be interviewed.

“We do not plan to seek legal action against the County regarding the Board’s policy,” the statement said. “However, I want to assure the public that the Sheriff’s Office will continue to follow existing state law and maintain our current practices, which reflect years of experience in balancing public safety with community trust.”

Martinez also said she did not believe the current process was a burden on staff or used taxpayer money unnecessarily.

San Diego Central Jail in downtown San Diego.

San Diego Central Jail in downtown San Diego.

(Nelvin C. Cepeda / San Diego Union-Tribune)

Meanwhile, a county spokesperson said the board has directed staff to draft a plan on how to effectively implement the policy. The spokesperson did not respond to questions on how the Board of Supervisors, the sheriff or county counsel would move through the impasse.

Ian Seruelo — chair of the San Diego Immigrant Rights Consortium, which worked with county officials to draft the policy — said: “We hope that [Sheriff Martinez] will reconsider and possibly consult with a legal team.”

Under state laws, local law enforcement can cooperate with ICE if someone in their jails suspected of being in the country illegally has been convicted of a serious felony — such as assault, battery, child abuse or sexual abuse, among other crimes.

The San Diego County Sheriff’s Office’s current active policy states that deputies can notify ICE when a suspected undocumented immigrant is set to be released, giving federal officers a chance to detain them.

San Diego County also allows ICE officials to interview people in county facilities if the suspect agrees.

But the county’s new policy would go further in restricting sheriff’s cooperation. Theoretically, jail officials would no longer notify ICE when someone is released from jail, regardless of their previous convictions, unless they have a court warrant.

Sheriff’s officials also would no longer allow ICE to interview people in the jails for immigration violations.

The policy is similar to measures adopted by Alameda, Contra Costa, Humboldt, Los Angeles, Santa Clara, San Francisco, San Joaquin and San Mateo counties.

In the statement, Martinez contended that the Board of Supervisors can’t set policy for the Sheriff’s Office. Some immigrant rights groups say that’s not the case.

San Diego County Sheriff Kelly Martinez.

San Diego County Sheriff Kelly Martinez.

(Denis Poroy / San Diego Union-Tribune via TNS)

Under state Senate Bill 54, also known as the California Values Act, law enforcement in the state is not allowed to use money or personnel to “detain, detect, or arrest persons for immigration enforcement purposes.” Sheriff’s and police departments also have discretion whether to cooperate with immigration officials, “only if doing so would not violate any federal, state, or local law or local policy.”

Approved in 2017, the bill was proposed during the first Trump presidency as a direct counter against the broadening deportation orders at the time.

On Thursday, the San Diego Immigrant Rights Consortium sent a letter to Martinez saying that if the sheriff ignores the new county policy, she would be in violation of SB 54.

“We hope that your statement was a mere misunderstanding on your part of the full scope of the California Values Act, and not a flagrant disregard for state law,” the letter reads. “To fully follow SB 54 and state law, you must now comply with Board Policy L-02, and we urge you to do so immediately.”

Seruelo said that the latest policy was not drafted in response to Trump’s election, but that the possibility of increased deportations under a second Trump presidency made it more urgent.

“On Jan. 20 of next year, we’ll be faced with an administration that has promised to do mass deportations,” he said. “We know that it’s going to be harsh.”

County Supervisor Jim Desmond, who cast the only dissenting vote when the board approved the policy Dec. 10, said he was glad to hear of the sheriff’s opposition and criticized the vote’s timing.

“We could have done this months ago … but it came after the election,” he said.

A U.S. Border Patrol agent patrols along the U.S.-Mexico border east of Otay Mesa.

A U.S. Border Patrol agent patrols along the U.S.-Mexico border east of Otay Mesa.

(Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)

He also contended that the policy would make immigrant communities unsafe by preventing the deportation of people convicted of serious crimes.

“A lot of people that are already living in the immigrant communities don’t want these people to come back,” he said.

He also pushed back against arguments made by some of his colleagues that immigrants would be less willing to report crimes to police if they were working with immigration officials.

But studies have confirmed fear of deportation, as well as increased cooperation between local law enforcement and immigration officials, can deter people from reporting crimes.

“Heightened immigration enforcement has the potential to reduce crime through the deportation and deterrence of immigrant offenders, but crime could increase if heightened enforcement degrades trust in law enforcement,” the Cato Institute, a public policy research organization, reported in July.

The study determined that local law enforcement’s cooperation with immigration officials increased the victimization of Latinos.

The Secure Communities program, implemented in 2013, increased collaboration between local and federal officials. Primarily, when local police made an arrest and ran a suspect’s fingerprints through the FBI’s database, the FBI then forwarded the prints to U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement, who would check them to identify people suspected of being undocumented.

“Contrary to the policy’s goal, of heightening enforcement to improve public safety, our analysis finds that this immigration enforcement policy increased the victimization rate of Hispanic people by 16 percent,” according to the institute.

The organization estimated that the program resulted in 1.3 additional crimes against Hispanic people in the first two years it was implemented. The rate of victimization against other non-Hispanic people seemed unchanged, except for those who lived near Hispanic communities.

Felicia Gomez, immigrant rights senior policy advocate at the American Civil Liberties Union of San Diego, which also helped draft the policy, said she was disappointed to see the sheriff’s action.

“San Diego has always been more than willing [to cooperate with immigration authorities] even though this collaboration is voluntary,” she said.

Statistics illustrate the level of cooperation between the San Diego Sheriff’s Office and ICE going back years. In 2023, the sheriff transferred 25 people to ICE and approved 185 requests from ICE to question jailed inmates, but also rejected 874 requests.

It also notified immigration officials about the release dates for 153 inmates — which, according to state law, local law enforcement has the discretion to do.

But the numbers were higher in previous years.

According to department data, in 2020, 78 people were transferred to ICE officials. And in 2019 and 2018, the department handed 271 and 266 people over to immigration officials, respectively.

Despite the history, Gomez said the board’s vote, as well as laws such as SB 54, are indicative that legislators in the state are looking for ways to stop local resources from being used in federal deportations.

“It’s a good sign to see our local officials pass this resolution and make a clear statement on how they want our resources utilized,” she said.

SB 54 limits how local law enforcement can work with immigration officials, Seruelo said, but immigrant rights groups are still assessing how the Trump administration tackles deportations, and how local law enforcement responds.

“We’ve been through Trump 1.0, but at that time the Trump administration was still trying to figure out how to implement, how to enforce some of its harsh policies,” he said. “In this new Trump administration, they may have learned from the past.”

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Did sheriff’s officials conspire to set up whistleblowing lieutenant?

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When L.A. County Sheriff’s Sgt. William Morris was investigating a criminal case against a fellow lieutenant based on a rumor, he kept running into a glaring problem: No one could tell him where the rumor had started.

The claim was that Lt. Joseph Garrido had been spotted using a department-issued vehicle to tow his boat to Lake Havasu City in Arizona for a vacation in 2022 — an offense that, if true, could have gotten him disciplined or even prosecuted. It had trickled down from the highest levels of the Sheriff’s Department to land in front of Morris at the Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau in May of that year.

Morris probed top executives for months about the rumor’s origins and received a confounding mix of finger-pointing and memory lapses, as detailed in a 1,100-page investigative case file reviewed by The Times.

Then-Sheriff Alex Villanueva, for example, told Morris he heard the allegation from his chief of staff at the time, John Satterfield. Satterfield said he heard it from multiple sources, but he could recall only one: the constitutional policing advisor. The advisor, Georgina Glaviano, first said she actually heard it from Satterfield, but then said she couldn’t remember for sure.

Meanwhile, Morris’ supervisor — Capt. Catrina Khasaempanth — allegedly told a lieutenant she heard about the allegation from then-Undersheriff Tim Murakami’s office, though Khasaempanth later denied talking to Murakami directly about it. Meanwhile, Murakami said he learned about it during a meeting between the sheriff and his top commanders.

Despite recording nearly two dozen interviews in about a year, Morris never identified the tipster or found evidence of the allegations against Garrido. Instead, he had another, more troubling, theory: Garrido had been set up.

In a highly critical email to a top executive that is part of the case file, Morris said he suspected that Khasaempanth — head of the Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau — had conspired to obstruct an investigation and falsify a police report in ways that made Garrido look guilty. On “several occasions,” Morris wrote, he’d shared his concerns with Undersheriff April Tardy.

“The abovementioned concerns and beliefs are not a personal attack on Captain Khasaempanth or the numerous executives named in my investigation, nor am I an obstructionist or malcontent,” Morris wrote in his March 2023 email. “I am also trying to morally navigate this unfortunate event that came to light under the previous regime’s command and prevent the Department from facing further embarrassment.”

Khasaempanth — who was never charged with a crime — and several other officials did not respond to requests for comment. Morris and Garrido declined to comment. The former sheriff did not immediately respond to an emailed set of questions.

There’s no indication in the case file that Tardy or anyone else in Sheriff Robert Luna’s administration investigated Morris’ concerns. But early this year, the county watchdog elliptically referenced the case in a quarterly Office of Inspector General report, noting that at least one administration official was eventually reported to the state commission in charge of certifying and decertifying peace officers. The report did not indicate which official or why the person was reported.

According to Vincent Miller, the attorney representing Garrido, the case has also been reported to the FBI and the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office. The FBI would not confirm whether it was investigating the case, and on Dec. 11 the district attorney’s office said it was aware of the matter but declined to comment further.

“It’s outrageous that these executives … are getting away with it,” Miller told The Times. “Luna ran an anti-corruption campaign — but all the failure to investigate the wrongdoers has been under Luna’s administration.”

In an emailed statement, the Sheriff’s Department said it could not comment on details of the case because of confidentiality laws protecting police personnel records as well as pending litigation.

“The Sheriff does not tolerate any form of corruption and has instituted several reforms to enhance accountability across all ranks, from executives to deputies,” the statement said.

In the two years since he first learned of the investigation, Garrido has repeatedly alleged that top Sheriff’s Department officials manufactured the inquiry as payback for a $1,500 campaign donation he made to one of Villanueva’s political rivals. In October 2022, Garrido made his allegations the basis of a lawsuit against the county, which is still pending in federal court.

Garrido also has claimed he was targeted for helping expose a scheme by sheriff’s officials to withhold bonus pay and for calling attention to the death of a police dog who overheated in a sergeant’s car in 2020.

To Inspector General Max Huntsman, the department’s handling of the case has been a disappointment.

“Over the past two years, we have documented a great deal of disturbing evidence of retaliation against whistleblowers and protection of command personnel,” Huntsman told The Times last week. “Despite new laws requiring action, the Sheriff’s Department has been dismissive and repeatedly refused to investigate, responding instead with personal attacks reminiscent of previous administrations.”

::

Before he hurt his back in January 2022, Garrido had been assigned to the department’s elite Special Enforcement Bureau. Deputies in that unit are assigned county cars to take home so they can respond quickly to emergencies at any time.

After Garrido went on leave, he kept his Chevrolet Tahoe for a little over three months, racking up about 440 miles in that time.

Then in mid-April, he went on a 10-day trip out of state. While he was gone, his commander texted him to ask about the car and let him know he’d need to return it. Garrido was immediately suspicious.

“I find this odd, after I openly tell you I would be out of town,” he texted the commander, according to screenshots of the texts included in the case file. “Very unlike you.”

Still, he told his boss the Tahoe was in his garage at home and that he’d return it when he got back.

A few days later, Garrido started hearing the rumor: He’d supposedly been spotted in Arizona, towing a boat with the Tahoe. The rumor could have been quickly debunked by a mileage check; a drive to Arizona and back was at least 540 miles, well over the 440 extra miles on the car.

Former Sheriff Alex Villanueva

Then-Sheriff Alex Villanueva at a 2021 news conference with then-Undersheriff Tim Murakami.

(Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)

But when the allegation reached Villanueva that spring, the sheriff told Satterfield to make sure it was investigated properly, according to transcripts of Villanueva’s interviews with investigators. A few weeks later, on May 16, Morris was assigned the case.

Morris ran Garrido’s cars through license plate tracking databases. He didn’t get any hits for the Tahoe during the months Garrido was out injured — though he did get hits showing the lieutenant’s personal vehicle had been out of state during his trip in April.

Morris also sought the Tahoe’s GPS records, but the vehicle wasn’t equipped with a system. He had the car checked for signs of odometer tampering but didn’t find any.

By late May, Morris started canvassing Garrido’s neighbors, trying — unsuccessfully — to find home security video of Garrido towing his boat.

When Garrido found out Morris was in the neighborhood asking questions, he confronted the investigator with questions of his own. Afterward, Garrido emailed Morris a copy of a five-page memo he’d written to an assistant sheriff a day earlier explaining the situation.

Since getting the Tahoe in 2018, Garrido said in the memo — which was included in the lengthy investigative file — he’d used it strictly for work-related travel and had only taken it out of state twice. Once was for training and once for a convention. Neither of those trips took place during the months he was off work in 2022.

“It is physically impossible to drive to any surrounding state and return within 443 miles,” Garrido wrote, already raising concerns about the reasons for the probe. “It is also my belief that the criminal investigation is politically motivated. I request that the validity of the source and date of sighting of the false allegation is verified before proceeding with such a slanderous criminal allegation.”

Soon, Morris began raising questions, too. For months, he and his lieutenants interviewed executives and reviewed department records trying to track down the source of the tip.

When they interviewed Villanueva, he pointed to his chief of staff, Satterfield. “I think other people probably reported to him and then of course he let me know, ‘Hey, this is the scuttlebutt,’” Villanueva told investigators, according to a transcript of the interview.

Though he couldn’t remember the date or the source, Satterfield told investigators he heard a vague rumor one morning at work. Within an hour, he added, he heard it again — this time from Glaviano, the Sheriff’s Department constitutional policing advisor — and with more detail, including Garrido’s name. (Satterfield and Glaviano did not respond to requests for comment.)

“It was just her and I walking when she told me,” Satterfield said to the investigators. “I remember thinking, well, I just heard this too.”

Glaviano remembers it differently. She was fuzzy on details but unequivocal according to the lengthy report that she was not the source of the rumor, which she said she first learned about when she was called into a meeting with Satterfield and asked whether employees are allowed to keep their county cars while on medical leave.

Satterfield then instructed her to tell Chief Jack Ewell — head of the division that included Garrido’s specialized unit — about the rumor, and ask him to look into it.

Ewell “was kind of taken aback,” she told investigators. “He was like, ‘I don’t believe that it’s true, but I will get back to you and I’ll let you know.’”

In an email later that day, Ewell told her he’d found no indication Garrido took the car out of state.

But when investigators interviewed Ewell, he said he didn’t remember the conversation with Glaviano. Instead, he said he learned about the anonymous complaint from the assistant sheriff. Afterward, Ewell said, he had directed Garrido’s boss to do a supervisory inquiry, the first step toward a formal investigation.

At the time, Garrido’s boss was Oscar Barragan, who was then the acting captain of the Special Enforcement Bureau. After finishing his inquiry, Barragan outlined his findings in a two-page memo.

“In summary, a total of 440 miles were driven since the last fill-up on January 4, 2022,” he wrote. “Lieutenant Garrido has been off work, injured on duty (IOD) since January 6, 2022. I am requesting an administrative investigation regarding the possible misuse of vehicle SH7616.”

The memo didn’t mention that Garrido had three doctor’s appointments he needed to get to, or that he hadn’t driven enough miles to account for a single out-of-state trip. Ewell told investigators that driving the Tahoe to doctor’s visits would have been “perfectly legitimate.”

A few days later, Barragan sent another memo to Ewell, this time pushing to further elevate the case by asking for a criminal investigation into Garrido.

Though Ewell later said he “didn’t see any evidence of any kind of criminal activity,” on May 11 he decided to open a criminal case, and formally sent Khasaempanth a request to investigate. Morris was assigned the probe, and at times his lieutenants helped.

One of them, Nicole Palomino, later told Morris that she had expressed concerns early on about not knowing who the anonymous tipster was. And she told him that Khasaempanth said it would be fine if Garrido’s commanders just claimed they were doing a random audit of his vehicle instead of saying the tip came from an informant, according to a transcript of her interview.

Palomino also said Khasaempanth told her that executives “were upset” early on that a criminal case hadn’t yet been opened and wanted the captain to speak with Barragan to “help him in articulating what to put in his memo,” so the case would go to the Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau, according to a transcript of her interview.

When Morris first turned in a draft of his investigative report in late 2022, Khasaempanth pushed back, outlining three pages of corrections and edits she wanted him to make.

“You veer off into some sort of quasi admin investigation as to how this case came to ICIB,” she wrote, adding that anything “pertaining to this side administrative concern you had needs to be removed from the criminal case and placed in a memo from you to me.”

Not deterred, Morris thought the department should investigate how the rumor started. So in March, Morris emailed Khasaempanth’s supervisor and raised questions of a possible conspiracy to target Garrido based on a “woefully inadequate” initial inquiry and “the comprised amount of law enforcement experience of the concerned Executives and their lack of questions and involvement after learning of the allegation.”

The next month, Morris closed the criminal case against Garrido.

“Based on my inability to identify or confirm the existence of the anonymous informant, the lack of witnesses, video surveillance footage, or GPS information to corroborate the allegation, and the roundtrip mileage associated with travel to Arizona exceeded the miles that had elapsed on Mr. Garrido’s Department-issued vehicle; there is insufficient evidence to support the allegation that Mr. Garrido used his Department-issued vehicle to travel to Arizona or used it to tow a personal boat to the same location,” Morris wrote in his report.

After he closed the case, department records show that Morris moved to another unit — though it’s not clear whether the change was voluntary.

Many of the top executives Morris interviewed have since left the Sheriff’s Department. Garrido is now retired, and the department said this month that “any and all” of the allegations he brought up in his lawsuit “were or are being fully investigated and addressed.”

Khasaempanth is still captain of the Internal Criminal Investigations Bureau.

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Supreme Court leaves California CO2 rules intact, for now

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Environmental advocates are cautiously optimistic after the Supreme Court left California’s nation-leading auto emissions standards in place — at least for the moment.

The Supreme Court declined to hear a challenge from Ohio and 16 other conservative states that aimed to strip California of its authority to adopt vehicle emissions standards stricter than federal benchmarks. However, days earlier, justices announced they will decide whether red-state fuel producers have legal standing to sue the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency for alleged financial losses caused by California’s stringent fuel economy standards and electric vehicle mandate.

State policymakers and environmental advocates view the Supreme Court’s decision to leave California’s regulatory powers intact as a triumph. But, as an adversarial presidential administration is poised to take office, experts say they anticipate a flurry of legal objections over nearly all forthcoming California clean air policies.

“The Supreme Court was right to turn away this radical request by Republican-led states to upend decades of law letting California cut pollution and clean our air,” said Daniel Villaseñor, a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom. “California’s authority was codified in the Clean Air Act by none other than Republican Richard Nixon, who recognized that California should continue serving as a lab for innovation to show the nation what’s possible with smart policy.”

The battle to alleviate air pollution and reduce planet-warming gases will be waged largely in the courts over the next four years, according to experts. And the legal strategy, they say, will need to focus on defending California’s aggressive clean air rules as much as it will be about ushering in new regulation.

“It’s good news, at least in the short term,” said Joe Lyou, president of California-based nonprofit the Coalition for Clean Air. “Everyone’s concerned about what’s going to happen in the long term. But this is a good start to what will undoubtedly be a long, long battle over clean air over the next four years. A lot of it is going to be up to the lawyers.”

Several industry groups have already filed litigation to contest California’s rules, including a ban on new sales of gasoline vehicles in 2035.

Last week, when the Supreme Court announced it would review a legal challenge over how California regulations affected fuel producers, it signaled its willingness to consider objections to California’s vehicle emission rules. However, the justices won’t be weighing the merits of the case, only whether the fuel companies have the right to sue.

The District of Columbia Court of Appeals had previously ruled the lawsuit invalid, in part, because fuel producers are challenging California emission standards adopted in 2012. Because car manufacturers already comply with the standard, there is no feasible remedy for their claims, experts say.

Another part of the fuel producers’ argument is that the Clean Air Act only grants California the ability to regulate conventional vehicle pollution for clean air — such as smog-forming nitrogen oxides — not planet-warming gases such as CO2 to address global warming.

“Their argument is this authority was given to California because they have really bad smog problems, not because of climate change,” said Ann Carlson, the founding director of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change & the Environment at UCLA. “And therefore, they shouldn’t be able to regulate greenhouse gases under this special power they have.”

But many environmental advocates say that argument may be moot. California air regulators have long maintained that air quality issues in major California cities — including smoggy Los Angeles — are so severe that electric vehicles are necessary to meet pollution standards. Air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions go hand in hand, they say.

“You have a technology, in these zero emission vehicles, that can reduce the full spectrum of pollution,” said Alice Henderson, lead counsel for transportation and clean air policy at the Environmental Defense Fund, an organization that has helped defend California rules. “And it is sort of laughable to think that these air agencies should be forced to ignore that technology.”

But the fight to enshrine clean air rules is not just legal sparring. For Lyou, it’s about the health consequences of inhaling air pollution. According to the California Air Resources Board, air pollution contributes to roughly 5,000 premature deaths each year in Southern California.

“It really comes down to whether people are going to have asthma attacks, whether people die prematurely or whether people have heart attacks,” Lyou said. “These are lives at stake.”

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Mt. Baldy is closed to hiking till December 2025. Rebellion is brewing

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As 30-mph wind gusts howled across a flat spot known as “the notch” halfway up Mt. Baldy last weekend, three young men staggered down from the summit looking cold, tired and very excited to have just reached the highest point in Los Angeles County in such punishing conditions.

Not only had they braved the summit’s soaring altitude and fierce wind, they each also had risked a $5,000 fine for violating a U.S. Forest Service closure order.

After a September wildfire ravaged Mt. Baldy Village, destroying 20 homes and burning more than 50,000 acres on surrounding hillsides, the U.S. Forest Service closed all of the trails leading to the mountain’s breathtaking summit for more than a year — until December 2025 — to ensure public safety and promote “natural recovery” of the fragile plants and soils that had been damaged.

A hiker makes his way down a slope lined with ski lifts.

A hiker makes his way down Mt. Baldy at a popular ski area.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

But had the three climbers, who ascended a trail called the Devil’s Backbone for its narrow ridge with spine-tingling drops on either side, seen any scorched earth or trees along the way?

“No, nothing at all, the trail was fine,” said Isaiah Rosas of Moreno Valley. “There were a lot of people going up and down with us.”

That’s the catch. While the village 5,000 feet below was devastated by the autumn Bridge fire, the summit and the most popular trails leading to it escaped largely unscathed.

And so, like seemingly everything else in our fragile public discourse these days, the government’s closure of the mountain has sparked a heated social media debate. On one side are so-called trail Karens, who monitor online web cameras and question why the forest service isn’t ticketing “ignorant and selfish” rule breakers who are hiking the mountain anyway. On the other side: scofflaws who condemn the forest service as another “useless” government agency reflexively shutting things down in the name of “safety” at the expense of freedom.

Sound familiar?

Adding fuel to the online fire was the agency’s decision to allow recreational businesses inside the closed area to continue operating — despite the alleged threats to plants and soil.

Three men walking on a dirt trail in a mountainous setting under blue skies.

These young men are among the scores of hikers who are ignoring federal government trail closures on Mt. Baldy despite the risk of a $5,000 fine.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

“It just screams of capitalism being okay, and has nothing to do with safety or protecting our public lands,” one Reddit commenter wrote in a particularly spirited thread a couple of months ago.

“At the root of it, we can see it’s not about a safety issue, or trying to let the land recover, which is why I think a lot of people don’t care about the closure and will still hike,” wrote another.

Robby Ellingson is the general manager of Mt. Baldy Resort, a small family-run ski area in the heart of the closed section of the mountain that is much loved by its fans.

In an interview, Ellingson said none of his ski runs or equipment burned, so he actively lobbied the forest service to “have the closure drawn differently.” But instead of changing the lines on the closure map, the forest service gave him a variance allowing him to operate inside the closed area. That means his restaurant and bar, perched halfway up the mountain and appropriately called “Top of the Notch,” remain open. His ski runs will open as soon as there is enough snow.

A handful of people seated at tables in a restaurant

The trail closures on Mt. Baldy have had a devastating hit on the restaurant business at the Mt. Baldy Resort. “We lost our entire fall,” says general manager Robby Ellingson.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

Sipping a cold beer and admiring the expansive view from the restaurant is a much anticipated reward after a long, hot hike to the summit, so closing the popular trails in September was a devastating blow to Ellingson’s business.

“We lost our entire fall,” he said. “We’ve kind of kept a tight lip about this, about our displeasure about this.” But he’s hoping the forest service will relent and reopen the trails in the spring, as soon as the snow melts.

And although he’s eager to maintain a good working relationship with forest service officials, he said he worries that their sweeping and rigid closure decision undermines their credibility.

Public officials tend to err on the side of “you can never be too safe,” Ellingson said. But, actually, you can, he thinks.

“If you try to be too safe, you end up with silly rules that are counterproductive” because so many people will just ignore them.

In an email, U.S. Forest Service spokeswoman Dana Dierkes acknowledged that the most popular trails to the summit, the Devil’s Backbone and the Ski Hut Trail, did not burn in the Bridge fire. They’re closed because they “provide access to other trails that did burn,” she wrote.

On the hillsides surrounding those burned trails, “vegetation was completely consumed leaving terrain without a natural barrier to erosion,” she wrote.

The forest service is predicting “catastrophic landslides and substantial debris flows within the burned area during the winter storm season,” Dierkes said, and those dangers will persist until the vegetation grows back.

“After seasonal weather has passed, we will reassess the status of potential hazards and see if certain areas might be able to reopen,” Dierkes said.

Outside the combination post office/fire station in Mt. Baldy Village last week, residents were preparing for the possibility of landslides when the inevitable winter storms start rolling in. Crews were installing concrete barriers in front of houses across from scorched hillsides; others were preparing a distribution site for sandbags.

But locals too said the broad scope and inflexibility of the trail closures seem to defy common sense.

Hikers, seen from above, walk along a tree-lined mountain trail

“I think it’s not fair, big time, to the businesses and the locals,” Cindy Debonis, a Mt. Baldy Village resident, says of the extended trail closures on the mountain.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

Even the paved road just around the corner, which leads to stunning views down the valley, is closed. So when the air is warm and the sun is shining and there’s no obvious threat of a landslide from the burned hillside above, taking your dog for a morning walk on Glendora Ridge Road could, theoretically, get you stuck with a $5,000 fine.

“They keep saying it has something to do with the fire, but there’s nothing left to burn,” longtime resident Cindy Debonis, 63, said, shaking her head.

“I think it’s not fair, big time, to the businesses and the locals,” she said. “I want to walk. I’d like to go take a hike. This is where I live.”

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California electors vote for Harris as Electoral College confirms Trump next president

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At a somber electoral college ceremony at the state Capitol on Tuesday, electors who had hoped to be celebrating the historic presidency of a Democratic daughter of California cast their votes for Vice President Kamala Harris knowing that Republican Donald Trump will head to the White House next month instead.

It was a starkly different scene than in 2020, when Democratic electors in Sacramento burst into cheers and applause as California solidified Democrat Joe Biden’s win, ousting Trump after his first presidential term, as the Republican refused to accept defeat and made unfounded claims of voter fraud.

This time, quiet lulls filled the Assembly chamber as all 54 of California’s electoral college votes were cast for Harris, the first California Democrat to become a presidential nominee.

“You can talk to your friends. This is not a funeral, this is a good time,” Secretary of State Shirley Weber said as she commended electors, who sat at desks usually reserved for legislators, for their “dedication to democracy” regardless of how they felt about the outcome of the election.

Harris secured about 58% of the votes in her home state of California, defeating Trump by more than 20 points, but lost to him nationally.

Though the popular vote nationwide between Harris and Trump was close, Trump won the electoral college — the system based on population and state representation in Congress — by 312 to 226. Members of the electoral college convened in each state Tuesday to cast votes for the candidate who won their state.

Rusty Hicks, chair of the California Democratic Party, said it was not a sad day of defeat, adding that the Golden State remains “a beacon of freedom” for the nation. Democrats maintain unfettered power in Sacramento, ruling in the governor’s office and in the Legislature, even though they lost a few seats.

And while the election was a big win nationwide for Republicans, who will soon control the Senate, the House and the presidency, Democrats unseated three Republican incumbents in California congressional races, helping to reduce the razor-thin GOP majority.

“Do most of us want a different outcome? Of course,” Hicks said in the Capitol on Tuesday. “But this is part of our democracy — of making our voices heard, coming to the people’s house and honoring the results of the election. I think that’s something that we should all be proud of.”

California’s presidential electors included a roster of Democrats from across the state — city council members and mayors, political strategists, leaders of nonprofits and elected officials such as Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas (D-Salinas) and new Assemblymember Mark Gonzalez (D-Los Angeles).

Family members of politicians also acted as electors, including Karen Waters, daughter of Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Los Angeles); Angela Padilla, wife of Democratic U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla; Candice Adam-Medefind, mother of incoming Democratic Rep. Adam Gray; and Elizabeth Cisneros, mother of Democratic Rep.-elect Gil Cisneros.

Trump was not mentioned at Tuesday’s official ceremony, but his looming presidency is inescapable in the California Capitol, where Gov. Gavin Newsom recently launched a special legislative session dedicated to funding litigation against Trump’s conservative policy proposals.

“This process reminds us of what is possible when we honor the voices of the people and the values we hold dear, of freedom, fairness and the right of every individual to have their say and shape the future,” Rivas said in welcoming remarks on the Assembly floor.

Gray, who claimed a crucial congressional seat, ousting Republican Rep. John Duarte in an extremely close Central Valley race, was at the Capitol on Tuesday as an observer.

The newly elected congressman was cautiously optimistic about the incoming administration and said he’s willing to work with Trump on areas where they agree.

“In every election, somebody doesn’t win. That doesn’t preclude us from waking up the next day and still working on the things that are important to our communities,” he said.

Xiomara Flores-Holguin was an elector Tuesday and top volunteer for Democrat George Whitesides’ congressional campaign. Whitesides, a first-time candidate, defeated Republican Rep. Mike Garcia in another closely watched House race in northern Los Angeles County.

Flores-Holguin said she was was filled with “mixed emotions” on Tuesday. She plans to help Democrats revisit voter engagement strategies with a renewed focus on Latino constituents before the next election.

“Coming today feels like there is still a ray of hope that the Democrats will be back,” she said. “We’ve learned some lessons from it and we’re not giving up. We’re not going away.”

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